From the Conquest of Judea by the Romans Until the Destruction of Jerusalem

Section I.

ALEXANDER BEaUEATHS THE KINGDOM OF JUDEA TO ALEXANDRA HIS WIFE — COUNSELS HER TO CONCILIATE THE PHARISEES — ORIGIN OF THE FAMILY OF THE HERODS — DIS-PUTES ABOUT THE PRIESTHOOD — POMPEY COMES INTO THE EAST — HIS HEAD QUARTERS AT DAMASCUS — THE aUARREL BETWEEN ARISTOBULUS AND HYRCANUS BROUGHT BEFORE HIM — IMPRUDENT CONDUCT OF ARISTOBULUS — POMPEY IS RECEIVED INTO JERUSALEM — ENTERS THE SANCTUARY — PLACES HYRCANUS IN THE OFFICE OF HIGH-PRIEST — ORDERS THE WALLS OF JERUSALEM TO BE DEMOLISHED — LEAVES A GARRISON IN THE CITY, AND DEPARTS.

Alexander left two sons, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, but bequeathed the government to his wife Alexandra, with the power to appoint whichever of his sons she pleased, to succeed her. She being with him on this expedition, when she found that he was near his end, was full of apprehensions of the dangers which surrounded her. But he called her to him, and advised her to conceal his death until the castle was taken; then to march back to Jerusalem, in triumph, and to call together the leaders of the sect of the Pharisees, whose enmity had embittered his life, and to lay his corpse before them, that they might cast it out with indignity, or treat it as they pleased; and to promise them, that she would undertake nothing without their advice. AH this she exactly followed, and the eifect was what he foresaw. Their hatred for Alexander was turned into veneration, and they became the warm friends of Alexandra. When she had settled herself firmly on the throne, she made her eldest son Hyrcanus, high-priest; and to gratify her new friends, the Pharisees, she repealed the edict of John Hyrcanus, in which he forbade their attention to traditions; restored them to all their former privileges, and released all that her husband had confined in prison. The Pharisees, however, insisted on having condign punishment inflicted on all who advised Alexander to crucify the eight hundred persons, already mentioned; and on such pretexts, they caused her to gratify their revenge on all their enemies, but often sorely against her will.

In the year 76 B. C. Bithynia became a Roman province, by the bequest of its king Nicomedes. Cyrene was also reduced to the form of a province, which had been before left to them, in the same manner. The progress of the Romans in the east became more and more rapid. The only king who gave them much serious opposition, was Mithridates, king of Pontus; but it does not lie in our way to give a history of these wars.

Alexandra having given herself up to the counsels and government of the Pharisees, all that were known or suspected of advising or aiding the late king in his measures hostile to their sect, were now persecuted with unrelenting severity. They, of the adverse party, seeing no end of this oppression, collected in a body, and with Aristobulus at their head, went to the queen to remonstrate against these proceedings. If they could not be protected at home, they begged that they might be permitted to leave the country, or might be distributed among the garrisons, where they might be exempt from these cruel persecutions, which they endured for no other reason but because they were the devoted friends and servants of the late king. The queen pitied them from her heart, but knew not how to relieve them without bringing on herself the vengeance of the Pharisees, who had the people on their side. She however, agreed to place them in the garrisons of the fortresses.

This year, 72 B. C, was born Herod the Great, who was afterwards king of Judea. His father Antipas was a noble Idumean, and his mother of an illustrious family among the Arabians. The name Antipas was changed to Antipater, to make it more conformable to the usage of the Greeks. This man was governor of Idumea under Alexander Janneus. As he was an Idumean, he was, of course, brought up in the Jewish religion; for all the Idumeans had embraced Judaism.

In the year 70 B. C. died Alexandra, queen of the Jews, in the seventy-third year of her age. She was a woman of great wisdom and clemency; but unhappily was under the necessity of yielding to the Pharisees — a faction which she had no power to withstand. As soon as Antiochus saw that his mother was past recovery, having resolved to seize the kingdom, he privately withdrew and repaired to the castles, where his father’s friends had sought an asylum; and by means of these, all the strong places in the country were soon in his hands.

The Pharisees were much disturbed at these proceedings, and as Alexandra was yet alive, though very low, they went to her to get her to say, that Ilyrcanus should possess the supreme power; but she told them that she was not in a condition to decide on such weighty affairs; and having submitted every thing to their management, soon afterwards expired. By the advice and aid of the Pharisees, Hyrcanus raised an army against his brother; when a decisive battle was fought, in which most of the soldiers of Hyrcanus going over to Aristobulus, he was obliged to flee to Jerusalem; but soon, almost all his adherents declaring for his brother, he agreed to resign the priesthood and the supreme power, and to lead a private life. Thus ended the tyranny of the Pharisees, which had been exercised over the nation from the death of Alexander Janneus. Aristobulus now exercised the ofiice of high-priest, and of supreme ruler of the nation, for six years and six months; Hyrcanus having been in authority only three months after the death of his mother.

In the year 66 B. C, Pompey the Great succeeded Lucullus in the chief command of the Roman army in Syria. Pompey drew into alliance with him, Phraates king of Parthia, and made an offer of peace to Mithridates; but he, calculating on the aid and friendship of the Parthian king, declined the overture. But when he understood that Pompey had been beforehand with him, then of his own accord, he proposed to come to terms. Pompey, however, would listen to nothing but the unconditional surrender of all deserters, and a cessation of all hostilities.

Pompey soon conquered both Tigranes and Mithridates, and marched against the Iberians, a northern people, who had never been subdued. After his return, all the Syrian empire on this side of the Euphrates was reduced into Roman provinces.

In the year 65 B. C. a disturbance arose in Judea, through the ambition of Antipater, the father of Herod. He having had his education in the court of Alexander Janneus, ingratiated himself into the favour of Hyrcanus; but when Aristobulus succeeded to the office and power of his brother, all this man’s schemes of advancement were broken. He now saw no way of retrieving his fortune, but by attempting to raise a party in favour of the deposed Hyrcanus. His first step was to negotiate with Aretas, king of Arabia Petrea, to aid him with troops; and he gathered together many of the scattered Jews, who were ready for an enterprise of this kind. But the greatest difficulty was to excite Hyrcanus himself, who was a man of a weak and quiet spirit. At length, however, he persuaded him, that his life was in danger in Judea, and induced him to flee to the court of Aretas, who in a little time came back with him, accompanied with fifty thousand men. In a battle with Aristobulus, the latter was completely defeated, and was forced to take refuge in the mountain of the temple, where they besieged him. This occurred during the passover, on”-which occasion, there not being lambs enough within the wall, Aristobulus bargained with the besiegers for a sufficient number, and let down the money outside the wall; on receiving it, however, they refused to send in the sacrifices.

Another impious act of which they were guilty, was their treatment of Onias, a holy man, held in great veneration, because it was believed, that by his intercessions rain had once been obtained in time of drought; him they brought out, and insisted that he should curse Aristobulus; supposing that his curses would be as efficacious as his blessing. Upon which he lifted up his hands, and said, “0 Lord God, since they who are besieged, are thy priests, and these without are thy people, hear the prayers of neither against the other!” On which, they were so enraged, that they stoned him to death. Aristobulus now sent to Scaurus, the Roman general, who was at Damascus, and promised him four hundred talents for his aid; Gabinius, also, was offered three hundred talents. Both then wrote to Aretas to withdraw from Jerusalem; which he immediately did, and Aristobulus pursued after him, and coming on him unawares, slew a great part of his men, and among the rest, a brother of Antipater whose name was Cephaleon. About this time, 65 B. C, Pompey came to Damascus, and received rich presents from most of the kings of the neighbouring countries. The ambassadors of Egypt presented him with a crown of gold of the value of five thousand pieces of gold, and those from Judea with a golden vine of the value of four hundred talents, which was afterwards deposited in the temple of Jupiter at Rome, and was there inscribed as the gift of Alexander. It is said, that no fewer than twelve kings came in person to pay their respects to Pompey, while he resided at Damascus.

Pompey had a great ambition to extend his conquests as far as the Red Sea. He had, while in Africa and Spain, extended them to the western ocean on both sides of the Mediterranean; and had lately subdued the country to the borders of the Caspian Sea; and he felt a vain ambition to extend his victories as far as the Red Sea. Having returned to Damascus again, from Pontus, he was waited on by Antipater, from Hyrcanus, and by one Nicodemus, from Aristobulus, each of them soliciting his patronage. Pompey gave them both fair words, and ordered that the two brothers should appear before him. There is reason to believe, however, that Antipater managed his cause with much more address than the ambassador of Aristobulus.

In the year G4 B. C. died Mithridates, king of Pontus, and long the implacable enemy of the Romans. His last eiiort against them, was an attempt, in imitation of Hannibal, to march an army by land into Italy; and for this purpose he collected a great multitude of soldiers, and actually set out on his expedition. But his army finding out his purpose, and that a march of more than two thousand miles lay before them, over deserts, mountains, rivers, and through hostile countries, revolted against him, and placed his son Pharnaces in his stead. Upon this, Mithridates put an end to his life. At first he attempted it by poison, but not succeeding in this, he fell on his sword. Mithridates was one of the most extraordinary men who has appeared in any age. His natural endowments were very great, and he added all manner of acquired improvements. No learning of these times escaped his attention. Although he had under him nations who spoke twenty-two different”^ languages, he was able to address them each in their own tongues. He was also a man of great spirit; capable of forming and executing enterprises of the utmost magnitude and difficulty. And although he was fortunate in his wars with the Romans, yet if he had lived to execute his last project, he might have proved the most formidable enemy they ever had. Cicero, in speaking of him, says that he was the greatest king next to Alexander the Great. He was, however, ambitious, voluptuous, and often cruel, even to his own children, wives and concubines. The cause of the two brothers, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, was now brought before Pompey, at Damascus, where they both appeared in person, according to his order. Ptolemy being solicitous to prosecute his Arabian war, gave no decision at present; but Aristobulus clearly perceived from what he said, that his cause was not viewed in a favourable light. He, therefore, left the place unceremoniously, and returning into Judea, collected an army for his defence; by which proceeding, Pompey was much incensed. He marched, however, agreeably to his purpose, into Arabia; took Petrea, and made Aret.as the king prisoner, but afterwards released him, on his agreeing to all his terms. On his way back, being informed of the hostile movements of Aristobulus, in Judea, he marched into that country. Aristobulus had shut himself up in a strong fortress, built by his father on the top of a mountain, and called after him, Alexandrion. Pompey surrounded the place, and obliged him to come down; when he agreed to give up all the fortified places in his hands. But no sooner was he free from restraint, than he fled to Jerusalem, whither he was followed by Pompey. When Pompey arrived at Jerusalem, this unsteady man again came out to meet him, and promised full submission, and a sum of money. Gabinius was sent to receive the money, but he found the gates shut against him, and no money to be had. Pompey, not enduring to be thus mocked, cast Aristobulus, whom he had retained with him, into chains, and marched with his whole army directly to Jerusalem. Within the city there were two factions; that of Hyrcanus, and that of Aristobulus. The former were disposed to open the gates to the Romans, and they were the more numerous; but the other party retired into the mountain of the temple; and having cut off all communication with the city, resolved there to maintain themselves.

Pompey having been received into the city by the other party, immediately laid siege to the mount of the temple. Most of the sacerdotal tribe were shut up within the temple; but the greatest part of the people were without. Battering engines were brought from Tyre, and an assault was made on the north side of the temple; and, although the siege was pressed vigorously by the Romans, the garrison held out for three months; and might have held out much longer, but for the unwillingness of the Jews to work on the Sabbath, which gave a great advantage to the assailants; for, on that day, the Romans would fill up the ditches drawn round the temple for defence, and bring forward their batteries, and place them to the best advantage. During the whole of the siege, the service of the temple was never interrupted; the priests being deterred neither by the death of their friends or rage of their enemies; and many of them, while officiating at the altar, had their own blood mingled with that of the sacrifices. This unshaken constancy was greatly admired by Pompey himself, and indeed is scarcely to be paralleled in history. After three months the temple was taken; that is, in the first year of the 179th Olympiad; and on the very day observed as a fast on account of the capture of the city by Nebuchadnezzar. All those who were considered the prime leaders of this revolt were put to death.

Pompey, not contented with viewing the exterior of this sacred edifice, impiously penetrated the interior, not only entering the sanctuary, but into the holy of holies, examined all the arcana of that sacred place; thus inflicting the deepest wound on the feelings of the Jews, who considered this intrusion as the highest possible profanation. But although he found two thousand talents laid up in the temple, he neither took them away, nor disturbed any thing else belonging to the furniture of the place. And, as if to make amends for what he had done, in entering the temple, he now ordered it to be cleansed, and the divine service to be resumed. But it has been observed, that although successful in all the previous acts of his public life, from this time no success ever attended him. Having concluded the war, he reinstated Hyrcanus in the office of high-priest, and made him also prince of the commonwealth. But the walls of Jerusalem he ordered to be demolished.

SECTION II.

OCTAVICS CESAR BORN — DIODORUS SICULUS — ALEXANDER, SON OF AR1ST0BULU3, ESCAPES

FROM ROME — SEIZES SEVERAL STRONG PLACES — GABIMUS, GOVERNOR OF SYRIA

ARISTOBUHJS HIMSELF ESCAPES FROM ROME, AND RAISES NEW DISTURBANCES IN

JUDEA — CRASSOS VISITS JERUSALEM AND ROBS THE TEMPLE OF ITS TREASURES

THE JUDGMENT OF GOD OVERTAKES HIM — BATTLE OF PIIARSALTA — CESAR CONFIRMS HYRCANUS IN THE PRIESTHOOD — ANTI PATER ACCOMPANIES CESAR IN ALL HIS EXPE-DITIONS — HIS FOUR SONS — HEROD ARRAIGNED FOR ILLEGALLY PUTTING CERTAIN THIEVES TO DEATH — MEDITATES THE DESTRUCTION OF HYRCANUS AND THE WHOLE SANHEDRIM RECEIVES FROM SIXTUS THE GOVERNMENT OF CffiLO-SYRIA.

In this same eventful year, 61 B. C, was born Octavius Cesar, afterwards emperor under the name of Augustus, whose mother was the sister of Julius Cesar. About this same time, 60 B. C, flourished Diodorus Siculus, the famous Greek historian. He was born in Sicily, from which he derives his name. He was thirty years in collecting materials for his history, and in composing the work; and that he might obtain accurate information, he travelled over most of the countries of whose affairs his history treats. In this very year he went to Egypt. His Bibliotheca contained forty books, of which only fifteen are now extant. Those which remain are the five first — and from the tenth to the twentieth; all the rest are lost, except fragments preserved by other authors.

In the year 57 B. C, Alexander, the oldest son of Aristobulus, who had been carried to Rome by Pompey, having made his escape, came into Judea, and collected an army°of ten thousand foot and fifteen hundred horse, and seized Alexandrion, Macherus, and several other strong castles, which he garrisoned and fortified; and from thence ravaged all the surrounding country. Hyrcanus being able to oppose no effectual resistance, sent for aid to Gabinius, governor of Syria, the general of the horse under him being the famous Mark Antony. Here also, the Roman army was joined by Antipater, and other adherents of Hyrcanus. They came to a battle with Alexander, who was completely overthrown; three thousand of his men being slain in battle, and as many taken prisoner. He himself took refuge in the castle called Alexandrion, where he was besieged by Gabinius. While this siege was carried on, the Roman general took a progress through the country, and found many of its once famous cities lyino- in ruins, which he ordered to be rebuilt or repaired. While Gabinius was thus occupied, he met with the mother of Alexander, a woman remarkable for her discretion. She being very solicitous about the safety of her husband, Aristobulus, who had been carried to Rome, endeavoured, by acts of kindness, to ingratiate herself into the favour of Gabinius, and sueceecled to her -wishes; for upon her representations, he made peace with Alexander, who surrendered all his castles; which, by her advice, were dismantled or demolished. Gabinius now went up to Jerusalem, and having settled Hjrcanus in the priesthood, made great alterations in the form of the Jewish commonwealth; and from a monarchy transformed it to an aristocracy. Hitherto, the government had been managed by a prince, with the aid of the grand council or Sanhedrim, consisting of seventy-two persons, with an inferior court of twenty-three in every considerable town. Instead of this, Gabinius established five independent courts; the first, at Jerusalem; the second, at Jericho; the third, at Gadara; the fourth, at Amathus; and the fifth, at Sephoris. The tyranny of Alexander Janneus had made the Jews weary of monarchy; and they petitioned Pompey for its abolition, when the trial of the two brothers took place before him at Damascus; and he so far complied as to take away the diadem and the name, but left the supreme power in the hands of Hyrcanus. But now, they renewed their petition to Gabinius, and obtained the change which has been mentioned. But when Julius Cesar afterwards passed through the country, he restored things to their former condition. Towards the close of this year, Aristobulus, who had been led in triumph by Pompey with his son Antigonus, made his escape from Rome, and came into Judea, where he excited new troubles, for many resorted to his standard, and he seized several fortresses, which he began to fortify; but Gabinius came upon him and subdued him. He and his son Antigonus were sent back again to Rome. Gabinius, however, in compliance with a promise given to his wife, obtained the release of the latter.

In the year 55 B. C., Gabinius having been called into Egypt to settle the disturbances of that kingdom, Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, excited new troubles in Judea. Having collected a great army, he ravaged the whole country, killing all the Romans he could meet with, and driving the rest to take refuge in mount Gerizim, where he besieged them closely. Gabinius seeing what a force he had collected, thought it best to deal with him by fair means, and sent Antipater with conditions of peace, promising an oblivion of all that was past. But Alexander, confiding in his strength, encountered Gabinius in battle, but was overthrown, with the slaughter of ten thousand of his men. After this victory Gabinius went to Jerusalem and regulated every thing according to the wishes of Antipater; and then marched against the Nabatheans, whom he subdued.

In the year 54 B. C., Pompey and Crassus being consuls, the latter had Syria and the East assigned to him. Whereupon, coming into Syria, with an eager desire to amass as much wealth as possible, and hearing of the riches of the temple at Jerusalem, he marched directly thither. At that time, Eleazer a priest, was the treasurer of the temple. Among other precious things under his charge, was a bar of solid gold of immense value, which to conceal he enclosed in a wooden beam, and then placed the beam over the entrance, from the holy into the most holy place, and suspended the veil upon it. But when he found Crassus very intent on finding treasure, Eleazer told him that he would discover it to him if he would spare the temple and its other treasures. This Crassus swore he would religiously perform; but the perfidious and sacrilegious wretch, no sooner had the beam in possession, than he entered into the temple, and took away the two thousand talents which Pompey had left untouched, and robbed it of other valuable treasures, to the amount of ten thousand talents; by which he thought himself well provided for the Parthian war. But speedy vengeance pursued the rapacious and sacrilegious Crassus; for, being decoyed by the enemy into an unfavourable situation, the Par’thians fell upon him, defeated his army, and slew his son and twenty thousand of his men. Crassus himself, while endeavouring to escape, fell under the conduct of a treacherous guide, and being led by him to Sarinas, the general of the Parthians, was immediately put to death. The Parthians, supposing that there would be nothing to oppose their progress, crossed the Euphrates and invaded Syria; but here they were met by Cassius, defeated, and driven back to their own country.

In the year 49 B. C, Cesar released Aristobulus from prison, and sent him into Judea with two legions, to promote his interest there, and in the neighbouring countries of Phenicia, Syria, and Arabia. But some of Pompey’s friends found means to give him poison on the way, of which he died. Alexander, his son, having been informed of the expected arrival of his father, began to raise forces to join him as soon as he came. Pompey sent orders to Scipio to put him to death; who, causing him to be apprehended and brought to Antioch, he was there subjected to a formal trial, in which, being condemned, his head was cut off.

In the year 48 B. C, the contest between Cesar and Pompey was brought to a decision, by the famous battle of Pharsalia in Thessaly; in which Pompey was defeated, and obliged to flee to Africa, where he was beheaded. Cesar, having conquered Egypt, passed into Syria, where Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus the late king of the Jews, came to him, and lamenting the death of his father and brother, begged Cesar to have compassion on him; and at the same time, made heavy complaints against Hyrcanus and Antipater. But Antipater being then with Cesar, defended himself and Hyrcanus so much to his satisfaction, that he rejected the accusations of Antigonus as of a turbulent and seditious person, and decreed, that Hyrcanus should possess not only the priesthood, but the sovereign power, as formerly, and his descendants after him.

Antipater accompanied Cesar in all his expeditions through Syria, and greatly conciliated his favour. When Cesar left this province, Antipater returned to Judea, and regulated every thing to the best advantage for Hyrcanus. He was a man of consummate policy, and by his skilful management had acquired an unbounded influence, not only in Judea, but in Phenicia, Syria, Arabia, &c.

Antipater had married a noble Arabian lady, whose name “was Cyprus, by whom he had four sons now grown to mature age. The oldest was called Phaselus; the second, Herod; the third, Joseph; and the youngest, Pheroras. He had, also, one daughter by the same wife, named Salome, who, as well as her brother Herod, is famous in the history of the following years. Antipater, having acquired such influence in Judea and the neighbouring countries, and being so much in favour with Cesar, was now able to make provision for his own sons. Accordingly, he appointed Phaselus to be governor of Jerusalem, and Herod, his second son, to be governor of Galilee; he being then no more than twenty-five years of age. In the printed text of Josephus, it is onlj Jifteen, but this, by a collation of other passages, appears to be a mistake of the copyists.

Herod being a young man of an active disposition, and wishing to signalize himself, made an attack on a horde of thieves who infested the country; and having taken their leader Hezekias, with several of his associates, he put them all to death. By this action he gained much applause, even from Sixtus, the governor of the province; but those who were enemies of Antipater, represented to Hyrcanus that Herod had put these men to death without legal trial, and obtained from him an order that Herod should be cited to appear before the Sanhedrim, to answer for his conduct. Herod appeared before this august tribunal clothed in purple, and surrounded by his guard, by which the judges were so intimidated, that not one of them had courage to open his mouth, except an old councillor, by the name of Samias. He first accused Herod of audacity, in appearing as he did, before that court, and then turned his accusation against Hyrcanus the president, and the members of the council, for their want of firmness and dignity; predicting that this same Herod would be the means of executing wrath upon the Sanhedrim; which was actually fulfilled, for Herod put every member of the Sanhedrim, afterwards, to death, except this same Samias, and one other individual.

Hyrcanns did all he could to get Herod cleared, as lie had a great partiality for the young man, whose father had been the chief cause of all his power and prosperity. But finding that he could not procure his acquittal, he got the cause adjourned until the next day; and, in the mean time, advised Herod to leave Jerusalem, which he did; and went to Damascus, whore putting himself under the protection of Sixtus Cesar, he set the Sanhedrim at defiance, and refused again to appear before them.

While Herod was with Sixtus, he so ingratiated himself, that he obtained from him the government of Coelo-Syria. He now raised an army and marched into Judea, to be revenged on the Sanhedrim for the indignity offered him, by bringing him to a trial before them. His purpose was to depose Hyrcanus from the priesthood, and cut off the whole Sanhedrim. But his father, and brother Phasael, interposed, and made him desist from his design.

SECTION III.

THE JULIAN YEAR DEATH OF CESAR — MALICHUS, HIS INFLUENCE AND CHARACTER

DEATH OF ANTIPATER — BATTLE OF PHILIPPI ANTIGONUS, YOUNGEST SON OF AUISTOBU-LUS, CLAIMS THE KINGDOM THE PARTHIANS AGAIN CROSS THE EUPHRATES — ARE HIRED

TO INVADE JUDEA TO MAKE ANTIGONUS, SON OF ARISTOBULUS, KING — HIS ADHERENTS

ARE RESISTED BY HEROD AND PHASAEL — CIVIL WAR WITHIN THE-CITY OF JERUSALEM

FLIGHT OF HEROD AND DEATH OF PHASAEL.

In the year 46 B. C, Cesar having returned from his African expedition, undertook, in virtue of his ofiice as Pontifex maximus, to reform the calendar; which he happily effected, by establishing the Julian year, of three hundred and sixty-five days, six hours; or, in actual computation, three years of three hundred and sixty-five days, and the fourth, of three hundred and sixty-six: which is in use at this time.

In the following year, 45 B. C, Julius Cesar was murdered in the Senate house, by a band of conspirators whose leaders were Brutus and Cassius. Their professed object was to destroy the tyrant, and restore liberty to the Senate and people. Cesar was a man of very extraordinary abilities and learning. He was, also, naturally humane and generous; but he was ambitious, voluptuous, and irreligious. Upon the death of Cesar, the greatest confusion ensued, not only in Home, but in all the provinces. Of these events, it would be here out of place to give a particular account, except so far as they may be intimately connected with Jewish history. Next to Antipater, Malichus had the chief authority in Judea. They had been long associated in the support of Hyrcanus; but this man now began to act a very wicked and ungrateful part toward his patron, Antipater. He was not contented to be the second man in the country, but was ambitions to be the first; especially, as he was a native Jew, and Antipater an Idumean. He, therefore, plotted against the life of Antipater; and when the latter obtaining some intelligence of his design was preparing to oppose him, he came to him with so fair a face, and so played the hypocrite, that he removed all suspicion from his mind. Nay, when Murcus would have put Malichus to death, he was spared at the intercession of Antipater. But, notwithstanding all this, when he was dining one day with Hyrcanus, Malichus bribed the butler to administer poison to him, of which he died. Malichus now took possession of the power which had been exercised by Antipater; but the sons of the latter were not easily to be deceived, and not disposed to leave their father’s death unavenged. Although Malichus denied having had any hand in the death of Antipater, they were convinced of the contrary. Herod was in favour of openly attacking the murderer at once; but Phasael recommended a more crafty proceeding, as one less likely to bring on a civil war. In the meantime, the brothers acquainted Cassius, who then had possession of Syria, with the circumstances of Antipater’s death, and obtained from him the liberty of putting the murderer to death; of which order, notice was given to the commanders of the garrison at Tyre. When Cassius had taken Laodicea, all the princes and chief lords of Syria and Palestine came to Tyre to congratulate him. Hyrcanus and Malichus, were on the road for the same purpose. Herod made a great supper, and on pretence of sending invitations to his guests, informed them of Cassius’ orders, and the approach of Malichus; on which, men were sent to meet him, who, according to their orders, fell on Malichus and slew him. It was ascertained that he had formed a plot, after getting his son who was at Tyre into his possession, to return to Judea, and excite the Jews to revolt; and while the Romans were busy with their civil wars, to make himself king. But the plot of Plerod against him was better laid, and took complete effect.

In the year 4’2 B. C. was fought the decisive battle at Philippi, in Macedonia, beween Octavianus and Antony on the one side, and Brutus and Cassius, the slayers of Cesar, on the other. In this battle, the latter were overthrown, and their cause ruined; and both Brutus and Cassius were driven to such desperation, that they put an end to their own lives. After Cassius had left Syria, the friends of Malichus raised a great tumult, to revenge his death on the sons of Antipater; and had influence to gain over to their party Hyrcanus, and also Felix the commander of the Roman forces, at Jerusalem. At the same time, a brother of Malichus seized the castle of Massada, and several other strong places in Judea. Herod was at this time confined with sickness at Damascus, whither he had gone to see Fabius the Roman governor. The whole of this storm, therefore, fell on Phasael, who withstood it successfully; for he drove Felix and all his party out of Jerusalem. When Ilerod returned, the brothers were soon able to put down the opposite faction, and recover the strong fortresses. About this time a marriage took place between Herod and Mariamne, the granddaughter of Hyrcanus, which seemed to reconcile all diiferences. But this peace was of a short duration. Antigonus, the youngest son of Aristobulus the late king, was made the instrument of the discontented faction at Jerusalem; for his father and older brother being dead, as related above, he claimed the kingdom as his right. In these pretensions, he was supported by Marion king of Tyre, Fabius governor of Damascus, and Ptolemy prince of Chalcis. The last of these had married the sister of Antigonus. Coming with a large army, Antigonus invaded Judea, but he had scarcely entered its borders, when Herod encountered and overthrew him, and returned to Jerusalem in great triumph.

In the year 41 B. C. the Parthians again crossed the Euphrates, instigated and led on by some of the adherents of Pompey, who had fled for refuge to the Parthian court. This army was under the conduct of Labianus and Pacorus, who ravaged a large part of Asia Minor, and took Sidon and Ptolemais. By these generals, a large party was sent to invade Judea, for the purpose of making Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, king of that country. They were prevailed on to pursue this course, by Lysanias king of Chalcis, who promised them as a reward, one thousand talents, and five hundred Jewish women, if they would restore Antigonus to his father’s kingdom. Antigonus himself, having collected an army of Jews from about Mount Carmel, marched with them into Judea; and having vanquished those who first came against him, pursued them to Jerusalem, where having got within the city, he had many skirmishes with the brothers, Phasael and Herod; in which, the followers of Antigonus being worsted, retreated within the mount of the temple, and the other party into the palace; which two places became the head-quarters of the two parties. Their conflicts continued until the time of the feast of Pentecost, when, numbers of people coming to the city from all parts, some took part with one, and some with the other, until the confusion was so great, that the leaders began to think of some means of putting an end to these troubles. Proposals of peace being made to Antigonus, he received them hypocritically, ofi’ering to refer the dispute to the Parthian general, whom Pacorus, according to agreement, had sent after him. By this stratagem, the Parthian who was the cup-bearer of Pacorus, was introduced into the city, and lodged with five hundred of his horse within the walls. Here he played his game so artfully, that he pursuaded Phasael to take Hyrcanus with him, and go to Barzapharnes, who then governed Syria, y under Pacorus. Herod had no confidence in the Parthians, and remonstrated against the course which his brother had determined to pursue.

When Phasael and Hyrcanus came to Galilee, they were met by a guard from Barzapharnes, and the cup-bearer returned to Jerusalem. They were, at first, treated with a show of kindness, until it was supposed that the Parthian general had time to reach Jerusalem and seize Herod, when they were both put in chains. But Herod, aware of the danger, fled from Jerusalem with his family and treasures, and seized the fortress of Massada, on the west side of the Dead Sea, where he left his family, and went to Arabia to solicit assistance of Malchus, who had succeeded Aretas. But Malchus, though under great obligations to Herod for services performed, ungratefully refused to receive or entertain him. He then directed his course towards Egypt, but before he arrived he heard of the death of his brother Phasael. For the Parthians, when they found Herod gone, made Antigonus king, and delivered up Phasael and Hyrcanus into his hands. The former, knowing that his death was determined, beat out his own brains against the wall. The life of Hyrcanus was spared, but to render him incapable of officiating as high-priest, they cut off” both his ears; and then delivered him to the Parthians, who carried him with them into the east.

SECTION IV.

HEROD OBTAINS THE FAVOUR OF ANTONY, AND IS SOLEMNLY APPOINTED KING OF

JUDEA — IS SUCCESSFUL AGAINST HIS EMEMIES ANTONY SENDS HIM TWO LEGIONS

TO REDUCE JERUSALEM, STILL IN THE POSSESSION OF ANTIGONUS HEROD GOES TO

SAMOSATA TO MEET ANTONY RETURNS TO JUDEA WITH FRESH FORCES HIS BRO-THER JOSEPH SLAIN IN AN EXPEDITION AGAINST JERICHO HEROD LAYS SIEGE TO

JERUSALEM MARIAMNE THE WIFE OF HEROD JERUSALEM TAKEN AND GIVEN UP

TO PILLAGE — ABJECT SPIRIT OF ANTIGONUS.

Herod, upon hearing of the death of his brother, did not return, but went on to Pelusium, and thence to Alexandria. Not meeting with any promise of eflectual succour in Egypt, he sailed by way of Rhodes to Rome, where he made his complaint and application to Antony, beseeching him, by the friendship which subsisted between him and his father, to pity the distracted and miserable condition of Judea. Antony, in consideration of the promise of a very large sum of money, entered with much zeal into the interests of Herod, and obtained for him much more than he expected. For he thought of notlijng more than succeeding to the power which his father exercised under Hyrcanus. But Antony, first securing the influence of Octavianus in favour of the measure, had Herod introduced to the senate, with a full exhibition of the merits of his family towards the Roman people; on which he was recognized as king of Judea by the unanimous vote of the Senate, and Antigonus was declared to be an enemy to the Roman people. Herod was then conducted to the capitol, with Antony on one side, and Octavianus on the other, where he was solemnly inaugurated into his new office, according to the Roman usage: and this act of the Senate was laid up among the archives of the State.

Herod, having met with such success at Rome, hastened back to Judea. This whole transaction, by which he was solemnly advanced to the royal dignity, occupied no more than seven days. Indeed, his whole journey, both by sea and land, from the time he left Judea until his return to Ptolemais, occupied only three months. His first object after his return was to relieve his wife, mother, sister, and other friends, who were shut up in the castle of Massada, and had been besieged by Antigonus ever since his departure. They were now reduced to such distress for want of water, that his brother Joseph, who had been left in command of the place, had formed the purpose of breaking through the besiegers, and escaping to Malchus, king of Arabia, who, he heard, was now much better disposed to lend them aid than when applied to by Herod. But the night before he had designed to carry his purpose into efi’ect, there fell such plentiful showers of rain as filled all their cisterns; so that they were able to hold out until Herod came to their relief.

Herod had no small difficulty in collecting a sufficient force to meet the besieging army. He received all into his service whom he could enlist, whether Jews or foreigners; but his principal reliance was on Ventidius and Silo, Roman generals, who were then in Palestine with a considerable force. These, however, did him as much harm as good; for having come into Judea to obtain money, they were ready to help him who would pay them best. And, indeed, they received money from both parties, and so managed as to give little real assistance to either. Herod, however, finally succeeded in reducing Galilee, and after a siege of considerable length took Joppa. Having delivered his family and friends from their unpleasant situation in Massada, he placed them in Samaria, and sent his brother Joseph into Idumea, to secure that region in his interests. At this time, Galilee was infested with multitudes of robbers, to suppress whom Herod now adopted measures. With some difficulty he succeeded in vanquishing a large body of them who advanced to meet his army, and compelled them to cross the Jordan. It was some time, however, before the country was entirely freed from these banditti.

Jerusalem, and many other places, still continued in the possession of Antigonus; and the war between him and Herod still went on. To aid the latter, Antony sent Macheras with two legions and one thousand horse, who, approaching the walls of Jerusalem for the purpose of conferring with Antigonus, was beaten back by the archers and slingers on the rampart; by which he was so enraged, that on his retreat from the place he killed all the Jews he could lay hands on. Among them, many of Herod’s friends were cut off; on account of which, he went directly to make complaint to Antony, but Macheras overtook him and so explained and apologized, that Herod agreed to think no more of the affair. Still, however, he prosecuted his journey, to visit Antony, who was then at Samosata, who received him with distinguished honour. “While there Herod rendered signal service in carrying on the siege of the place. While Herod was absent, his brother Joseph, neglecting the orders which he had received, made an expedition against Jericho with such forces as he was able to bring together. Being circumvented by the enemy, he was there slain, and most of his men cut to pieces. In consequence of this disaster, many in Idumea and Galilee revolted from Herod. The intelligence of these unfortunate events reached Herod at Daphne, on his way home, and hastened his return. Coming to mount Libanus, he there raised eight hundred men, and with these and one Roman cohort, marched to Ptolemais, and proceeded to subdue those who had revolted in Galilee. Then marching to Jerusalem to avenge his brother’s death, he was encountered by the friends of Antigonus and defeated, being himself wounded in the conflict. But soon rallying, he collected more soldiers, and fought another battle with the flower of the troops of Antigonus, under the command of Pappus, and entirely overthrew them. Pappus himself being among the slain. Had it not been winter, he might have marched directly to Jerusalem, and taken that place.

Early the next year, 38 B. C, Herod took the field with a great army, and proceeded directly to Jerusalem, where he commenced a regular siege of the place. While the necessary works were carrying on, he went to Samaria, and consummated his marriage with Mariamne, who had been betrothed to him four years before. Mariamne was the daughter of Alexander, the son of king Aristobulus, by Alexandra the daughter of Hyrcanus the second. She was a lady of extraordinary beauty and great virtue, and accomplished above any woman of her time. Herod, in selecting her for a wife, was influenced not merely by affection, but by political motives; for he thought, that by an alliance with the Asmonean family, so highly venerated by the Jews, he would gain a great influence over that people. After the return of Herod from Samaria, the siege was prosecuted with uncommon vigour; for the governor of Syria came to his assistance with a large number of soldiers. The whole force engaged in the siege was no less than eleven legions and six thousand horse, besides the Syrian auxiliaries. But the city held out until the next year, which was 37 B. C, when many breaches being made in the walls, the assailants entered, and exasperated by the length of the siege, and the hardships which they had endured, filled the whole town with blood and devastation. Herod did all he could to prevent this, but without effect, as Sosius, the governor of Syria, encouraged the soldiers in these lawless and cruel proceedings. At length, when remonstrance failed to put a stop to the utter devastation of the city, Herod redeemed it from further spoliation, by the promise of a large sum of money.

Antigonus seeing that all was lost, surrendered himself to Sosius, and in a very abject manner cast himself at his feet; which, instead of moving the compassion of this stern Roman, only provoked his contempt; for he ever afterwards called him Antigona. It was, at first, designed to preserve him to grace the triumph of Antony; but Herod wishing to remove all danger of new disturbances from the claims of this last male of the Asmonean family, never ceased to petition Antony to have him put to death; which was accordingly done, by the hands of the common executioner, without the least regard to his royal dignity.

SECTIOX V.

HEROD ESTABLISHED ON THE THRONE OF JUDEA — DESTROYS THE WHOLE SANHEDRIM

EXCEPT TWO HILLEL AND SHAMMAI THEIR DISTINGUISHED DESCENDANTS

SIMON GAMALIEL JUDAH HAKKADOSH SCHOLARS OF HILLEL CHALDEE PARA-PHRASES — THEIR HIGH ESTISIATION AMONG THE JEWS JONATHAN BEN UZZIEL

AND ONEELOS.

Herod was now in full possession of the kingdom of Judea. But as he had made his way to the throne through much blood, so now, when seated on it, he found it necessary to resort to the sword, to subdue the obstinacy of the leaders of the opposite faction, who would not consent to submit to his authority. Of this number was the whole Sanhedrim, the grand council of the nation, every one of whom he put to death, as was before mentioned, except Same as and Pollio. During the whole siege, these two had declared in favour of receiving Herod as their king, alleging, that God in displeasure for their sins, had decreed to give them up to the government of this man, as a punishment. The others, on the contrary, went about the city encouraging the people, and assuring them that God wouki certainly protect his temple. On which account, Herod put them all to death; remembering also, the affront which they had put upon him, when they cited him before them as a criminal. It is remarkable, however, that he spared Same as, who had so boldly denounced him on that occasion; and who was of all the most vehement in requiring its condemnation.

These two men are very famous among the Mishnical doctors of the Jews, and in the rabbinical writings are known by the names of Hillel and Shammai. Of the Sanhedrim, which was now formed, Hillel was made the president, and Shammai the vice-president. The former is called Pollio by Josephus, and was one of the most eminent men for learning and authority, who ever appeared in the Jewish nation. The Jewish writers, with one consent, concede to him the highest place, in the knowledge of the Jewish law and traditions. For forty years lie was president of the Sanhedrim, and acquired higher reputation for the justice and wisdom of his decisions, than any one who had occupied that high seat of judgment since the days of Simon the Just. The posterity of this eminent doctor were also famous for a long time. It is said, that his descendants occupied the same high office for ten generations. Simeon, his son, is supposed to have been the very person, who in the temple took our blessed Saviour in his arms. (Luke ii. 25 — 35.) The third in descent was Gamaliel, who presided in the Sanhedrim when Peter and the other apostles were called before that council; (Acts v. 34;) and was the distinguished master at whose feet the apostle Paul was brought up. (Acts xxii. 3.) In the Jewish writings he is called Gamaliel the Old, because he lived to extreme old age; his death occurring only eighteen years before the destruction of Jerusalem. Next to Gamaliel, was Simon, the second of that name. He perished in the destruction of Jerusalem. The fifth in descent was Gamaliel the second. To him succeeded Simon the third. Then we come to Judah Hakkadosh, or Judah the Holy, who composed the Mishna, the great body of Jewish Traditionary Law, which forms the text of the Talmud.

After Judah Hakkadosh, we have, in regular succession, the names of Gamaliel the third, Hillel, and Gemaricus, all lineal descendants of the Hillel of whom we are now speaking. Hillel was born and brought up in Babylonia, where he resided until the fortieth year of his life. After that, he came to Jerusalem and betook himself to the study of the law, in which he became so eminent, that when eighty years of age, he was made president of the Sanhedrim, in which office he continued for forty years more, so that lie lived to the great age of one hundred and twenty years. When Hillel was first made president of the Sanhedrim, one Menahem was the vice-president; a leading man among the Essenes. Josephus says, that he had the spirit of prophecy, of which he gives the following instance. One day, meeting with Herod among his school-fellows, he saluted him by saying, “Hail, king of the Jews!” and laying his hand on his shoulder, foretold, that one day he should be advanced to that dignity. When Herod was actually made king, remembering this prediction, he sent for Menahem and asked him whether he should reign as many as ten years. He is said to have answered, “Yea ten, twenty, thirty years,” and then paused, because Herod did not wish to inquire further.

Shammai, who is called Same as by Josephus, was next to Hillel in reputation as a Mishnical doctor. He had been the disciple of Hillel; but when appointed vice-president of the Sanhedrim he did not always concur with his old master in opinion. These differences of opinion between the masters, caused great disputes and dissensions among their scholars, which sometimes arose to such a height, as to cause the shedding of blood. But, finally, the school of Hillel prevailed over that of Shammai. The tempers of these eminent men were diverse; for while Hillel was of a mild and peaceable disposition, Shammai was of an irascible and fiery spirit.

Hillel, it is said, bred up no less than one thousand scholars in the knowledge of the law, of whom eighty were of the first distinction. Of these the Jewish writers say, that thirty were so eminent, as to be worthy that the divine glory should rest on them, as it did on Moses; and thirty, for whom the sun might have stood still, as it did for Joshua.

The most eminent of them all, however, was Jonathan Ben Uzziel, the author of the Chaldee Paraphrase on the Prophets, who was contemporary with OnJcelos, the author of the Chaldee Paraphrase on the Law. Whether Onkelos was also a scholar of Hillel, we are nowhere informed. These paraphrases are translations of the Scriptures of the Old Testament, from the Hebrew into the language of the Chaldeans, which was used through Assyria, Babylonia, Mesopotamia, Syria and Palestine. They were called Targwns, which means versions or translations. As was before mentioned, they had their origin after the return of the Jews from captivity, when the common people, and especially the youth, not being familiar with the Hebrew, needed a version in the vulgar tongue, which was Chaldee. These versions were at first made by learned men, verbally; but in process of time, when Synagogues multiplied, it became expedient to have them in writing, that they might be used

when there were none sufficiently learned to render the Hebrew, with correctness, into the vernacular dialect.

There are now extant a number of paraphrases, by different hands, and composed in different ages. The principal are, The Paraphrase of Onkelos on the Law — that of Jonathan on the Prophets — another on the Law ascribed also to Jonathan — The Jerusalem Targum on the Law — The Targum on the Megilloth; that is, on the five small books, Ruth, Esther, Ecclesiastes, Song of Solomon, and the Lamentations. There are, moreover, two other paraphrases on the book of Esther. Next, we have the Targum of one-eyed Joseph on the Psalms, Proverbs, and Job, and an anonymous Targum on the books of Chronicles. These versions are of little value, except the paraphrases of Onkelos and Jonathan Ben Uzziel, which are very important; especially in teaching us how the ancient Jews interpreted the Scriptures which relate to the Messiah. That the Targums of Onkelos and Jonathan were composed a short time before the birth of Christ, is the opinion of both Jewish and Christian writers, and is strongly confirmed by internal evidence. The only reason for supposing that they were of a later date, is the fact, that they seem to have been entirely unknown to Origen, Jerome, and the other Christian fathers. But if these men did not understand the Chaldee language, they, of course, could not be acquainted with these paraphrases; and they might have been composed and principally used in Babylonia; which supposition well corresponds with the language in which they were written; which is rather the eastern than the western Aramean. These versions are held in the highest esteem by the Jews, and, therefore, furnish the best weapons for carrying on the controversy with them. They are, undoubtedly, the oldest Jewish writings extant, with the exception of the Scriptures; unless we reckon the Greek version of the Old Testament as a Jewish composition.

SECTION VI.

ANANELUS MADE HIOH-PRIEST — HYRCANUS A CAPTIVE AMONG THE PAHTHIANS

HIS DESIRE TO RETURN ALEXANDRA, THE MOTHER OF ARISTOBULUS AND MARI-ANNE HIS SISTER, DISSATISFIED THAT HE WAS PASSED OVER WHEN ANANELUS WAS

EXALTED TO BE HIGH-PRIEST HEROD CAUSES ARISTOBULUS TO BE DROWNED

CLEOPATRA VISITS JERUSALEM — HER MANNERS 80 LICENTIOUS THAT EVEN HEROD

IS DISGUSTED GREAT EARTHQUAKE IN JUDEA ANTONY ENTIRELY DEFEATED AT

ACTIUM HEROD NOW SEEKS TO CONCILIATE THE FAVOUR OF THE CONQUEROR,

AND SUCCEEDS MARIAMNE MANIFESTS THE UTMOST HATRED OF HEROD HEROD

BECAME FURIOUS WITH JEALOUSY, AND PUT BOTH HIS UNCLE JOSEPH AND MARI-AMNE TO DEATH IMMEDIATELY HE WAS SEIZED WITH INTOLERABLE REMORSE,

AND FELL SICK BECOMES MORE SEVERE IS INSTIGATED TO ACTS OF CRUELTY BY

ALEXANDRA AND OTHERS — CONSPIRACY AGAINST HIS LIFE.

Herod, on the death of Antigonus, made Ananelus high-priest in his stead. He was an obscure priest, residing in Babylonia; but being well known to Herod, and of the pontifical family, he sent for him, and put him into this office. He seems to have chosen an obscure man, that there might be no collision between the sacerdotal and royal dignity. Hyrcanus, who had been carried away by the Parthians, still lived, and was treated with much kindness by Phraates the king, who, when he understood his former dignity, released him from his chains, and allowed him full liberty to live among the Jews who resided in that country. For, at this time, there were more Jews in Babylonia and other countries beyond the Euphrates, than in Judea. Hyrcanus, on hearing that Herod was made king of the Jews, expressed a strong desire to return; for as he had, in one instance saved Herod’s life, he expected to be treated kindly. Herod was no less solicitous for the return of Hyrcanus, but for a very different reason. He wished to get the old man into his power, that he might make away with the only survivor of the Asmonean family, who could have any claim to the throne of Judea. He therefore sent a special embassy to Seleucia, with the double object of getting Phraates to give him up, and of persuading Hyrcanus to come. In both, they were successful, and the aged man, contrary to the advice of his best friends, returned again to the land of his nativity.

In making Ananelus high-priest, Herod had passed by Aristobulus, the son of Alexander, to whom by right of succession it belonged. This produced no small disturbance in his own family; for Alexandra, the mother of Aristobulus, and Mariamne his sister, could not bear to see an obscure stranger exalted to that office, while the rightful heir was overlooked. These two ladies not only teased Herod continually respecting the matter, but began to intrigue with Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, for the advancement of Aristobulus. The king, therefore, to make peace at home, resolved to gratify them; so, deposing Ananelus, he put Aristobulus in his room, a youth only seventeen years old. But Alexandra, the mother of Aristobulus, being an ambitious woman, knew that her son had just as much right to the kingdom as he had to the priesthood, and therefore, began to intrigue further with Cleopatra, for this end also. Herod confined her to the palace, and set spies over her; but she contrived a method of escape, and set ofi” with her son to the court of Cleopatra. Herod, after letting her proceed some distance, sent and brought her back. Aristobulus now became more and more the object of the king’s jealousy. At one of the great festivals, when he officiated at the altar in his pontifical robes, the people were struck with admiration at the beauty and gracefulness of the young high-priest, and their mouths were full of his praises. Herod could endure this no longer; he determined, therefore, to put an end to one who gave him so much uneasiness. He invited him, with this view, to a feast at Jericho, where the young man was enticed to go out to bathe, with a number of others. They, by the direction of Herod, held him under the water until he was drowned; and then it was pretended that his death was accidental. Herod himself put on mourning, and afi’ccted the deepest grief for the loss of the high-priest. But his hypocrisy was not concealed, and he was abhorred by the people on account of this cruel act. As to Alexandra, she was inconsolable, and probably would not have survived her beloved son, had it not been for the desire of revenge which now took full possession of her breast.

This murder of Aristobulus took place in the year 34 B. C. Alexandra acquainted Cleopatra, by letter, with the circumstances of her son’s death, and fully engaged her interest in opposition to Herod. Antony being then very much under the influence of Cleopatra, was easily induced to cite Herod to answer for his conduct in relation to this matter. But when Antony came into Syria, Herod so mollified him that he dropped the proceedings altogether. While Herod was gone to wait on Antony, he left Mariamne in the care of his uncle Joseph, who had married his sister Salome. Fearing lest, if anything should happen to him, Mariamne would fall into the power of Antony, who already seemed to be in love with her from the report of her beauty, he ordered Joseph, as soon as he was dead, immediately to kill his wife also. Thig secret Joseph inadvertently let out, one day, when expatiating on the greatness of Herod’s love to her. On Herod’s return, she reproached him with it, which threw him into a transport of passion; being persuaded, that nothing but an illicit connexion with Joseph, (of which she had been accused by Salome,) could have extorted such a secret, he drew his dagger, and was about to plunge it in her bosom, but his love for her unnerved his arm; then, immediately turning his vengeance on Joseph and Alexandra, he put the first to death without allowing him even a hearing, and throwing the latter into chains, shut her up in prison.

Cleopatra, having accompanied her paramour Antony as far as the Euphrates, visited Jerusalem on her way home, where she was splendidly entertained by Herod; but her manners were so voluptuous, and even licentious, that Herod himself was exceedingly disgusted with her. While she was in his power, he once thought of making away with her, both on account of her former machinations against his kingdom, and out of fear of what she might still continue to eifect against him; but he was restrained by a fear of Antony’s displeasure.

Herod, being of a suspicious and jealous temper, resolved to select some strong place, and fortify it to the utmost. The tower of Massada seemed to suit his purpose best. He therefore furnished it with arms for ten thousand men, that in all events, he might have a place of refuge for himself. As Antony had promised several kingdoms to Cleopatra, among which was that of Malchus, in Arabia, Herod was directed to make war with him. In this expedition he at first gained a complete victory; but in a second engagement, he was defeated, and scarcely escaped with the fragments of his army.

In the year 31 B. C. there occurred an earthquake, which shook the whole land of Judea in a more terrible manner than was ever experienced before. No less than thirty thousand persons were killed by this convulsion of nature. Herod was so much affected with this heavy disaster, that he sent to solicit peace with the Arabians; but they, having heard that the ruin from the earthquake was much greater than it really was, put the ambassadors to death, and invaded Judea, expecting to meet with no resistance. But Herod’s soldiers happened to be abroad when the earthquake occurred, so that they remained uninjured, and now collecting them together, he fell upon the Arabian army, and having killed five thousand men, besieged the rest in their camp. Being there distressed for want of water, they ventured another battle, in which he slew seven thousand of them, and took the rest prisoners. The Arabians, in their turn, were now forced to sue for peace, and were glad to accept whatever terms Herod chose to prescribe.

Antony, having been entirely defeated by Octavianus in the battle at Actium, fled to Egypt, where he again gave himself up to the charms of Cleopatra. Herod perceiving that he could depend no longer on his protection, began to think of conciliating Octavianus. But still indulging his suspicions of the aged Hyrcanus, who was now resident at Jerusalem, he pretended to discover a plot to render assistance to Malchus king of Arabia, on which he immediately had the old man put to death, though now in his eightieth year.

Herod, intent on securing the favour of Octavianus, if possible, shut up Mariamne and Alexandra her mother, in the fortress of Alexandrion, under a strong guard, and having placed his own mother and sister in the strong fortress of Massada, set oft” to pay his respects to Octavianus. Herod, in his address to Cesar, spoke with such ingenuousness, in acknowledging every thing which he had done in opposition to him from friendship to Antony, that he won him over to his interests: Cesar, therefore, confirmed him in his kingdom, and caused him to resume the diadem which he had laid down at his feet. Herod, upon this, made him very rich presents, which he had brought with him for the purpose. Herod was now in high spirits on account of his unexpected success, in obtaining all he wished from Octavianus, and returned to Judea to communicate his good fortune to his family and friends. But his beloved wife, Mariamne, received him with the utmost aversion, and gave herself up to sighs and groans. The reason of this strange behaviour was, that she had by some means learned that he had again given orders, that in case of his death she should immediately be put to death. He had also given orders that Alexandra her mother should also be put to death; and that his brother Pheroras should inherit the kingdom.

Octavianus having conquered Antony at Actium, pursued him into Egypt. On his way, he stopped at Ptolemais, where Herod met him, and gave him and his army a most splendid entertainment; and besides which, he presented Octavianus with eight hundred talents, by which munificent hospitality he greatly conciliated the friendship of the conqueror. Antony having been defeated on all sides, and all his attempts to obtain peace proving inefi”ectual, in despair of ever retrieving his affairs, he fell upon his sword, and left the world to his rival. As soon as Herod heard of his death, he hastened to Egypt to pay his respects to the conqueror, by whom he was received with signal kindness and honour. He accompanied him on his return as far as Antioch, and received from him several grants, by which his power and kingdom were enlarged considerably.

On the return of Herod from this visit to Egypt, he found his domestic troubles increased rather than diminished. Mariamne still expressed for him the utmost abhorrence, and upbraided him on account of her father, grandfather, brother, and uncle, all of whom he had put to death; but she concealed the true reason of her excessive displeasure, out of regard to the life of Sohemus, from whom she had received the secret. At length, Herod losing all patience, endeavoured to extort from her attendants, by the rack, the secret cause of her grief and anger, but he could only learn that it was owing to somethin communicated by Sohemus, that she was so exceedingly disturbed. The king then suspected that his secret orders, in case of his own death, had been betrayed; and, as before, in the case of Joseph, that this never would have been done unless there had existed an illicit intercourse between them. He was now so fired with jealousy, that he immediately put this man to death, and then forming a court of his own dependents for the trial of Mariamne, she was, as a matter of course, condemned to die. It was not, at first, intended to carry the sentence into execution, but merely to shut her up in one of the strong fortresses. The jealous tyrant, however, fearing some insurrection of the people, was induced to precipitate the execution. Mariamne suffered death with unshaken fortitude. She was a truly magnanimous and virtuous woman — of greater beauty and accomplishments than any other of the age in which she lived. As she was led to the execution, her mother Alexandra, reproached her in the most cruel manner, for treating an excellent husband with so much unkindness; but all this was hypocrisy, to save her own life, for she had reason to fear that her time would come next. No sooner was Mariamne executed, than the grief and remorse of Herod became intolerable. He found no rest day nor night. Wherever he went, the image of Mariamne haunted him and filled him with the bitterest reflections, until, at length, he became subject to fits of temporary madness. Immediately after the execution of the queen, a grievous pestilence occurred, which carried off great numbers, both of the common people and the nobility. This, all considered as a just judgment of God upon. the wicked king. Herod’s disorder of mind was increased by this calamity; so that not knowing what to do with himself, he gave up all care of the public business, and retired to Samaria, where he fell into a grievous sickness. When, with much difficulty he was recovered, and had returned to Jerusalem, he was observed to be more disposed to acts of cruelty than before, which continued to be his disposition to the end of life. While Herod lay sick at Samaria, Alexandra, expecting that he would die, began to intrigue for the supreme power. To accomplish her purpose, she negotiated with the governors of the strong fortresses in Jerusalem. The pretext which she used in these negotiations was, that she wished to secure the government for Herod’s children by Mariamne. These officers, however, immediately communicated the whole matter to Herod, who sent orders to have her put to death. This happened in the year 28 B. C.

In the year 26 B. C, Salome, Herod’s sister, whose first husband was Joseph, and who afterwards married Costobarus, an Idumean, having become weary of her husband, gave him a bill of divorcement, contrary to the usage of the Jews, which permits a husband to divorce his wife, but not a wife her husband. But by the authority of Herod the transaction was sanctioned.

Salome having now returned to her brother, to render herself agreeable to him, pretended to reveal a conspiracy which had been entered into by her late husband with several other distinguished men of Idumea, against his government. To gain the more credit to her story, she informed him where Costobarus had concealed the sons of Babas, whom Herod had directed him to put to death. On sending to the place, this account was verified, which induced Herod to believe all that she said respecting the conspiracy. He, therefore, gave orders that all who were accused by Salome should be put to death. Having now cut off all the branches of the Asmonean family, and all that favoured their pretensions, Herod thought that he might, without danger, make some innovations on the usages of the Jews. He, therefore, erected at Jerusalem a theatre and an amphitheatre; and in honour of Octavianus, (now the Emperor Augustus,) celebrated games and exhibited shows. These things, however, were exceedingly offensive to the Jews. This led ten persons among them to form a conspiracy against the king, who by his spies obtained some knowledge of the plot; so that when these men came to the theatre, with daggers under their garments, they were seized, and put to death with the most exquisite torments. Nor did he cease to make inquiry until he had discovered every one of the conspirators, and put them all to death.

SECTION YII.

DIVINE JUDGMENTS ON THE LAND — HEROD ERECTS A STATELY PALACE ON MOUNT ZtON ERECTS ANOTHER PALACE ON A BEAUTIFUL HILL SEVEN MILES FROM JERUSA-LEM — ARISTQBULUS AND ALEXANDER, SONS OF MARIAMNE, SENT TO ROME FOR EDUCA-TION — HEROD REPAIRS TO MITYLENE, TO VISIT AGRIPPA — AUGUSTUS HIMSELF VISITS THE EAST — IS WAITED ON BY HEROD — ALL ACCUSATIONS AGAINST HIM TURN OUT TO IllS BENEFIT — UNDERTAKES TO REBUILD THE TEMPLE — THE WORK COMMENCED JUST FORTY-SIX YEARS BEFORE CHRISt’s FIRST PASSOVER.

Herod was moved by his dread of conspiracies, to fortify other strong places besides those in Jerusalem, and selected Samaria as a suitable site for one. The place was now reduced very low, having been destroyed by John Hyrcanus, as before related. It was, indeed, no more than a small village when Herod undertook its restoration. When it was rebuilt, he named it Sebaste, in honour of Augustus; Sebastos in Greek, being of the same import as Augustus in Latin. In this place he colonized six thousand people, collected from all parts; among -whom lie divided the circumjacent country, which being fertile, the town soon became rich and populous.

In the thirteenth year of the reign of Herod, great calamities fell on the people of Judea; for a long drought produced a famine, and the famine a pestilence, which swept away multitudes of people. On this occasion, Herod did a very popular and praiseworthy action. He melted down the plate of his palace — his treasury being empty — and turning it into money, sent to Egypt for corn; by which means so great an abundance was brought into Judea, that they were able to send a supply to the Syrians, who were suffering under the same calamity. The jQiocks of Judea having also been cut off by the drought, and there being a Avant of wool for the clothing of the inhabitants, Herod took care to have a sufficient supply imported from foreign countries. By these acts of generosity and sound policy, he greatly won upon the affections of the people; and among the surrounding nations acquired the reputation of a wise and generous prince. But he could not long refrain from acts of cruelty, which sullied the fame of all his good deeds.

Herod being now at peace with all the surrounding nations, and the country being in a prosperous state, he resolved to build a stately palace on mount Zion, the highest part of Jerusalem. This edifice he made of such size and magnificence, that in appearance it rivalled the temple. Within, he prepared two apartments very large and sumptuous; one of which he named Cesareuniy in honour of Augustus, and the other AgrippeuJii, in honour of Cesar’s chief favourite.

There was at this time in Jerusalem a young lady of exceeding great beauty, named Mariamne, the daughter of one Simon, a common priest. Her, Herod married, and to exalt her family, made her father high-priest, turning out Jesus the son of Phebes, to make room for him.

Herod having a passion for building, or finding in this occupation some relief to the troubles of his mind, engaged in another expensive work. He erected a palace about seven miles from Jerusalem, where he had obtained a victory over the Parthians, when his affairs were in a very critical situation. This palace was built on the summit of a beautiful hill, which had a regular declivity on all sides, and commanded an extensive and delightful prospect of the surrounding country. This palace he called Herodium, after his own name. When this work was finished, Herod went on to build a city at the place on the seacoast, called Straton’s Tower. This city he named Cesar-ea, after the emperor; and on it he spent much time and expense. Before this time, the harbour was very dangerous, so that no ship could ride safely in it when the wind was from the south-west; but by running a mole, or breakwater, in a circular form around the harbour, to the south-west, he made it safe and commodious, and sufficiently capacious for a large fleet. The expense of this work alone was immense; for the stones used in its construction were brought from a great distance, and were of almost incredible dimensions; some of them being fifty feet long and eighteen broad, and nine in thickness. The foundation of this mole was laid in the sea, at the depth of twenty fathoms. Herod was occupied twelve years, before he completed all his works at Cesarea.

Alexander and Aristobulus, the sons of Herod by Mariamne, being now of sufficient age, were sent to Rome to be educated. They were committed to the particular care of Pollio, an intimate friend; but Augustus, as a special mark of his friendship for the father, took the sons into his own palace, where apartments were prepared for them. To give further evidence of his attachment to Herod, he gave him the privilege of choosing his own successor, from among his sons; and added to his kingdom, Trachonitis, Auranitis, and Batania. When Agrippa was sent by Augustus to the east, he made Mitylene, on the island of Lesbos, his chief residence. As soon as Herod heard of his arrival in the east, he set off to pay him a visit, and renew their former friendship. Soon after his departure, the Gadarenes, at the instigation of one Zenodorus, a farmer of the revenues, came to Agrippa with complaints against Herod; but he would not listen to them, and to gratify his friend, threw the accusers into chains, and sent them to Herod, who, in order to conciliate them, set them free.

In the year 21 B. C, Augustus himself made a progress through the east. When he arrived at Antioch, Herod visited him, and was, as usual, received with great kindness. But his old enemy Zenodorus, hoping to be more successful with Augustus than he had been with Agrippa, brought new charges against Herod in the name of the Gadarenes, accusing him of rapine, tyranny, and sacrilege. These accusations so far influenced the emperor, that he appointed a day for Herod to appear and vindicate himself; but when his accusers observed the tenderness and partiality with which he w’as treated, they gave up their cause as desperate; and the following night, several of them put an end to their lives; among whom was Zenodorus. This was construed by Augustus as very favourable to the character of Herod. He, therefore, added to his dominions the tetrarchy, which had been possessed by Zenodorus, and joined him in commission with the governor of Syria, as his procurator, in that province. He also gave Herod’s brother Pheroras, a tetrarchy in those parts. As an acknowledgment of all these favours, Herod built near the mountain Panias, from which the Jordan issues, an elegant palace of -white marble. On his return to Jerusalem, Herod found the people much dissatisfied on account of his various innovations on their religion and laws, in compliance with the customs of the Greeks and Romans. To prevent the evils which seemed to threaten him, he in the first place forbade all clubs and meetings where many persons convened, and had spies in all parts to bring him intelligence of all that was said and done. He also purposed to require an oath of fidelity from all his subjects; but Ilillcl and Shammai, with all their followers, and all who belonged to the sects of the Pharisees and Essenes, refusing to take it, he was obliged to relinquish the design.

In the year 19 B. C, Herod formed the project of rebuilding the temple at Jerusalem, by which he promised himself that he should not only conciliate the Jewish nation, but raise for himself a lasting and honourable monument. The second temple was, originally, greatly inferior to that of Solomon; and, in the course of five hundred years, had suffered exceedingly, not only from slow decay by the lapse of time, but more especially from the almost perpetual wars which had been carried on, in which it was always the last refuge of those pressed by a superior force. His purpose was, to take down the whole edifice, and build it anew with the best materials. He, therefore, convened a general assembly of the people, and laid before them his plan; but they were alarmed at his proposal, fearing lest when he had pulled down the old edifice, something might occur to prevent the erection of another. To quiet their fears, therefore, he promised that he would not begin to take down the old temple, until all the materials for the new were prepared, and on the ground. Accordingly, he set himself to work to make all manner of preparations for this great work; employing for the purpose a thousand wagons for carrying the stones and timber, ten thousand artificers to fit and prepare these materials, and a thousand priests, skilled in architecture, to take the supervision of the whole work. By these exertions, in two years, having got all things ready for the building, he began to pull down the old edifice, to the very foundations. The proposal of Herod to rebuild the temple, was made in the latter part of the eighteenth year of Herod’s reign, 18 B. C.

In the year 17 B. C, all the preparations being completed, the erection of the new edifice was begun, just forty and six years before the first passover of Christ’s personal ministry, to which reference is had in John ii. 20, “Forty and six years was this temple in building;” for, although in nine years and a half it was so far finished as to be fit for the public service, the work was carried on until some time after the public ministry of our Saviour, when eighteen thousand workmen were dismissed at one time.

SECTION VIII.

HEROD VISITS HIS SONS AT ROME — ATTENDS THE OLYMPIC GAMES ON HIS WAY — IS RECEIVED WITH HONOUR BY AUGUSTUS — BRINGS HIS SONS BACK TO JERUSALEM — THE REBUILDING OF THE TEMPLE IS DRIVEN ON — IMPRUDENT SPEECHES OF HEROD’s SONS, ALEXANDER AND ARISTOBULUS — DOMESTIC TROUBLES OF HEROD INCREASE — BECOMES WORE SUSPICIOUS — THE YOUNG MEN, HIS SONS, CONTINUE TO INDULGE IN RASH SPEECHES — ARCHELAUS, KING OF CAPPADOCIA AND FATHER-IN-LAW TO ALEXANDER,

COMES TO JERUSALEM — HEROD’s EXPEDITION TO ARABIA DIFFERENCE BETWEEN

HIM AND HIS SONS INCREASES AUGUSTUS RECOMMENDS A COUNCIL HEROD ACCUSES

HIS SONS, AND THE JUDGES PRONOUNCE SENTENCE OF CONDEMNATION AGAINST THEM

HEROD CAUSES THIS SENTENCE TO BE CARRIED INTO EXECUTION AT SEBASTE, BY

STRANGULATION.

The next year, 16 B. C, Herod made a visit to Rome to pay his respects to Augustus, and to see his two sons, who were there pursuing their education. On his way he attended the Olympic games, on the 191st Olympiad, at which he presided; when finding that these games had much declined in their reputation, in consequence of the poverty of the Elians, which prevented them from keeping them up in their former splendour, lie settled a permanent revenue upon them; in honour of which munificence they appointed him perpetual president of the games, as long as he should live. On his arrival at Rome he was received with great honour and kindness by Augustus; and having received his sons, whose education was now completed in the best manner, he returned with them into Judea; soon after which he provided suitable wives for both of them; marrying Alexander to Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia; and Aristobulus to Berenice, the daughter of his own sister, Salome. These young men, by the comeliness of their persons, the agreeableness of their manners, and their other amiable qualities, were the admiration of the Jews. But the intriguing Salome pursued them with the envy and jealousy which she had always entertained towards their mother Mariamne.

In the rebuilding of the temple, those parts where divine service was celebrated were first finished. The sanctuary and holy of holies, together with the porch, were completed in one year and a half after the work was commenced; that there might be as little interruption in the public service as possible. But even during this period, the daily service was constantly performed in the court where the altar of burnt-offerings was situated.

In the year 13 B. C, Alexander and Aristobulus, having resided with their father three years after their return from Rome, fell under his grievous displeasure. The cause was this. The young men let fall many rash words, expressing strong resentments against those who had occasioned the death of their mother. Salome and Pheroras, having been the chief advisers of this measure, began to be alarmed; and in their own defence, laid plots for the ruin of the young princes. All these rash speeches of Alexander and Aristobulus were carried to Herod, by his brother and sister, and represented in the strongest colours, with insinuations that they were all directed against his life. And to facilitate the design, these crafty courtiers engaged persons to draw them into free discussion, and provoke them to say what otherwise would never have been uttered. Herod was so much affected by these representations, that to humble the princes, he sent for his oldest son Antipater, by his first wife Doris; but as she was divorced when Mariamne was espoused, her son was educated in private. But now his father placed him over these two brothers, which had no other effect than to exasperate them the more.

The Jews of Asia Minor and Cyrene having suffered much oppression from the heathen inhabitants of the countries where they resided, who would not permit them to live according to their own laws and religion, and deprived them of the privileges formerly enjoyed, sent an embassy to Augustus, to make their complaint and pray for redress. Accordingly, an edict was made in their favour, by which all that they desired was granted to them.

Domestic troubles continued to increase in the family of Herod. Salome, Pheroras, and Antipater, were unwearied in their efforts to fill the king’s mind with suspicions and prejudices against his two young sons; until, at length, they so far accomplished their purpose, that an open breach took place between them and their father. By their malicious artifices, these enemies so filled the old man’s mind with suspicion and fear, that he was unable to sleep, or obtain rest of any kind. To make discoveries, he put all their confidants to the rack; and some, to obtain relief, would say any thing which they supposed would have that effect. Some of their extorted confessions bearing hard on Alexander, the eldest son, he was cast into prison. On which, becoming desperate, he determined to create as much vexation as possible to his father, and sent him papers in which he confessed a plot which never had any existence; in which he named Salome and Pheroras, and two of the confidential ministers of Herod, as being his accomplices. This had the effect of driving the old tyrant almost to distraction. He now suspected everybody and knew not whom to trust. He raged like a madman against all around him; tortured some upon the rack, and put others to death; so that his palace was little better than a slaughter-house.

Just at this crisis, 8 B. C, Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, and father-in-law of Alexander, came on a visit to Jerusalem. Hearing the accusations against his son-in-law, he affected to he even more violent in his rage against him than Herod himself; and threatened to take away his daughter from him, which after a while had the effect of making Herod his advocate. Upon observing this temper in the old man, he was soon able to bring about a reconciliation between him and his son. Herod was very sensible of the kindness conferred on him by Archelaus, and in acknowledgment of the favour he gave him very valuable presents; and when he returned, accompanied him as far as Antioch, where he reconciled him to Titus Volumnius, the Roman governor of Syria, with whom Archelaus had had a difference.

A reconciliation having taken place between Herod and his sons, he thought it necessary to pay another visit to Rome, to inform Augustus of the improved state of his domestic affairs; he having before informed him, by letter, of the breach between him and his sons; and having accused them to the emperor of many high crimes and treasonable practices against him. While he was absent, the thieves of Trachonitis returned to their old trade, and ravaged all the country of Coelo-Syria and Judea, which was accessible to them. When, as before related, Herod had driven these banditti out of his territories, about forty of the ringleaders fled into Arabia Petrea, when Sylleus, the governor of that country, not only received them, but granted them a strong fortress called Repta. When Herod went on his last journey to Rome, they invaded Judea and Coelo-Syria, and ravaged the country in a distressing manner. Sylleus, the governor, felt no disposition to discourage these depredations, for he cherished a mortal hatred to Herod, because he had refused to let him have his sister Salome as a wife, unless he would consent to be circumcised and become a Jew. Herod, on his return, finding the country much injured by the incursion of this band of robbers, and not having it in his power to punish the perpetrators of the mischief, determined to wreak his vengeance upon their friends and relatives in Trachonitis. This exasperated them so much that they made new inroads into his territory, and wasted the country more than ever. When the principal buildings connected with the temple were finished, after nine years and a half from the commencement of the work, Herod appointed a day for its solemn dedication, which falling on the anniversary of his being made king, augmented the pomp and solemnity of the celebration. To put a stop to the incursion of the robbers who infested the country, Herod applied to Saturninus and Volumnius, the Roman governors of Syria, apd lodged a complaint against Sylleus for harbouring them. He also sued him for a debt of sixty talents which he had borrowed from himself. To answer to these charges, Sylleus was obliged to appear at Berytus, before the governors; and Herod having made good his allegations, Sylleus, to get clear, bound himself by oath, within thirty days to pay the money and deliver up all fugitives. But when the day came he performed neither of these engagements, but went to Rome to complain to Cesar. Herod now obtained permission from Saturninus and Volumnius to do himself justice. He, therefore, marched into Arabia, destroyed Repta, and slew as many of the robbers as fell into his hands; then returned without injuring the country, but not without leaving three thousand men in Idumea, to prevent the further incursion of the thieves.

Sylleus, now at Rome, having received an account of these transactions, went to Augustus with a doleful account of the injustice of this invasion, and greatly exaggerating every thing, he so represented the affair that the emperor was much displeased, and wrote to Herod a sharp letter of reproof, and for some time he was actually out of favour with the emperor. Nor was he restored to favour soon.

Dionysius of Halicarnassus began this year, 7 B. C, to write his Roman history, which he finished in twenty books, continued to the time of the first Punic war, at which point the history of Polybius commences. But of these twenty books, only eleven are extant. The work is written in Greek, and is the fullest and most accurate history of the Roman affairs in existence. He was twenty-two years collecting materials at Rome.

The next year, 6 B. C, the quarrel between Herod and his sons, Alexander and Aristobulus, was revived. This, combined with the defeat of his Idumean guards by the Arabians, and the loss of the favour of Augustus, fell heavily on the old man. To conciliate the emperor, he sent two embassies to Rome, neither of which was admitted to an audience. He, therefore, sent a third, and employed in it Nicolas Damascus. Augustus now wrote him a kind letter, and condoling with him on account of his domestic troubles, gave him leave to proceed against his sons as he should judge best. And as to Sylleus, Augustus ordered him to return to Arabia, and pay his debt to Herod, after which he commanded that he should be put to death. To adjust the difference between Herod and his sons, Augustus directed that a council should meet at Berytus, consisting of the governors of the neighbouring provinces, together with Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, and other friends of distinction, who should have power to hear and determine the whole matter. Herod immediately summoned this council to meet at the place appointed, calling thither Saturninus and Volumnius, governors of Syria, and all others mentioned by Augustus, except Arclielaus, whom he considered too nearly related to one of the parties to be an impartial umpire. Before this tribunal Herod personally appeared as the accuser of his two unfortunate sons, and laid so many things to their charge, and urged his suit with so much vehemence, that the majority of the court were influenced to pass a judgment of condemnation against the princes, leaving the execution of the sentence to their father.

Herod, in pursuance of this sentence, sent Alexander and Aristobulus to Sebaste, and caused them to be strangled. Thus did these two promising young men come to a premature end, through the envy and malice of an intriguing woman. No doubt they acted imprudently, and in resentment for their mother’s death, uttered many rash speeches. Nay, when exasperated by persecution and false accusations, it is probable, that they were precipitated into crimes of deeper dye. But no one can read the history of their tragical end, without lamenting their unfortunate connexion with a court, in which deceit and craft had such a predominant influence.

SECTION IX.

ANTIPATER CONSriRES AGAINST THE LIFE OF HIS FATHER — PHERORAS DISPLEASES HIS

BROTHER BY REFUSING ONE OF HIS DAUGHTERS AND MARRYING A MAID-SERANT

HE JOINS THE PLOT OF ANTIPATER — THE TEMPLE OF JANUS AT ROME CLOSED — THE ANGEL GABRIEL SENT TO MARY AT NAZARETH — BIRTH OF JESUS CHRIST AT EETHLE-MEM THE REGISTRATION WHICH CALLED THEM THITHER — LUKE AND JOSEPHUS

RECONCILED — VISIT OF THE MAGIANS — MASSACRE OF THE INFANTS — HEROD CAUSES HIS SON ANTIPATER TO BE PUT TO DEATH — GIVES ORDERS TO SLAY ALL THE EMINENT MEN OF THE COUNTRY, THAT THERE MIGHT BE MOURNING AT HIS OWN DEATH, WHICH

HE PERCEIVED WAS NEAR — DEATH OF HEROD — HIS FAMILY AND DESCENDANTS

DIVISION OF THE KINGDOM AMONG HIS SONS.

About this time Zacharias beheld the vision in the temple, as he there officiated in his course, which is recorded in the first chapter of the Gospel of Luke. Antipater, the oldest son of Herod, who was of a cruel, crafty, and ambitious temper, seeing nothing now in the way of his ascending the throne but his father’s life, conspired with Pheroras to put the old man out of the way, by poison.

Herod, it is true, had always acted the part of an aff’ectionate brother to Pheroras; but of late, circumstances had occurred to alienate them from each other. Herod wished his brother to marry one of his daughters by Mariamne: but he having fallen in love with a maid-servant, for her sake rejected the ofier of the king’s daughter, which gave great offence. Herod then gave his daughter in marriage to a son of his older brother Phasael. But having another daughter, he offered her to Pheroras, if he would divorce his ignoble wife, which he promised with an oath, that he would do; but when the time arrived, he again refused. There was another thing which widened the breach between the two brothers. The whole nation of the Jews were required to take an oath of allegiance to Augustus, and to the king. This the Pharisees, as before, to the number of seven thousand, absolutely refused, from conscientious motives; believing it unlawful to swear allegiance to any foreign prince. To punish their contumacy, Herod imposed a pecuniary mulct on the whole body; which sum the wife of Pheroras, on account of her attachment to this sect, paid down for them. The Pharisees were so much delighted with this act of generosity, that they willingly received, and gave circulation to a pretended prophecy, which some visionary had uttered, that the kingdom would be transferred from the family of Herod to the descendants of Pheroras by this woman. This report having reached the ears of Herod, he was so exasperated that he put several of the Pharisees to death. Then, convening a council, he laid open before them the whole affair, and peremptorily required that Pheroras should immediately put away this woman, or never expect to be treated by him as a brother any more. To which Pheroras replied, that nothing should induce him to part with his beloved wife; that he would rather die than be separated from her. Herod, greatly resenting this obstinacy, forbad Pheroras to enter his house, and commanded Antipater and all the other members of his family to have no manner of intercourse with him or his wife. This rough treatment prepared Pheroras to listen to the plot of Antipater, to take off the old king by poison.

Antipater, to avoid all suspicion, managed to have himself called to Rome, to wait upon Augustus; and Pheroras gladly complied with the king’s commands to leave Jerusalem, and go to his tetrarchy; swearing that he would never return as long as Herod lived. This resolution he kept; for although he was sent for by his brother when he was sick, he would not come; yet, when he was taken ill, Herod visited him and treated him very kindly. After the death of Pheroras, some of his servants accused his wife to Herod, of poisoning him. This led to a strict inquiry, which resulted in the discovery of the plot, in which he and Antipater had been engaged against the king’s life. It appeared, that Antipater had got a friend in Alexandria, to prepare the poison, whence it was brought to Jerusalem to Pheroras, who had agreed to administer it to his brother.

The wife of Pheroras, on being questioned by the king, confirmed the whole matter; but said, that after his kind visit to Pheroras, he changed his mind, and commanded her to throw the poison in the fire, which she did in his presence, except a small quantity, which she reserved for her own use, if she should need it. The whole testimony went to show, that Antipater, after procuring the death of his two brothers, had now laid a most wicked plot for the poisoning of his father.

The temple of Janus, at Rome, was closed this year. The custom was, to keep the gates open in time of war, and to shut them in time of peace. They had been closed before only four times since the building of the city. The first time was m the reign of Numa; the second after the end of the first Punic war; the third after Augustus had vanquished Antony; the fourth, when Augustus returned to Rome from the conquest of the Cantabrians. In the same year, the most memorable in the annals of man, the angel Gabriel, who had appeared to Zacharias in the temple, was sent to Nazareth, a city of Galilee, to Mary, a virgin of the house of David, lately espoused to Joseph, of the same lineage, to declare to her the good tidings, that of her should be born the Son of God; and, accordingly, being overshadowed by the Holy Ghost, she conceived and brought forth a son who was, Christ the Saviour of the world.

Joseph and Mary, having their residence at Nazareth, were providentially called to Bethlehem of Judea, by the following circumstances. It was customary in the Roman empire, to take a survey or assessment of all persons and estates every fifth year. In taking this account, a register was made of all sorts of persons women and children, as well as men; with the ages, occupations, and estates of each. Augustus was the first who extended this survey, or registration, to the provinces. During his long reign, he caused it to be executed in all the provinces three times. Such a registration was at this time going on throughout the Roman empire. The decree requiring it was issued in the year 8 B. C.; but, as our present era begins four years later than the birth of Christ, the date of this decree was only three or four years before he was actually born. During these years, it had been going forward in Coelo-Syria, Phenicia, and Judea, until this year, when it extended to Bethlehem. Joseph and Mary, belonging to the family of David, whose city was Bethlehem, were required to attend there, to be registered with the other branches of that family. While they w’ere there on this occasion, Jesus Christ the Son of God was born in that place, according to the prophecy of Micah, v. 2: <’But thou, Bethlehem Ephratah, though thou be little among the thousands of Judah, yet out of thee shall he come forth unto me that is to be Ruler in Israel; whose goings forth have been from of old, from everlasting.”

It need excite no surprise that we have allowed three years for the execution of this decree, since it is known that it was always committed to the governors of the provinces, and they were not always expeditious. To perform such a work, in the whole province of Syria, when the survey was required to be so particular, both as to persons and estates, would take much time. Joab was nine months and twenty days in taking a census of ten tribes of Israel, and only reckoned the men fit for war. When William the Conqueror had a survey made of England — that recorded in Dooms-day book — it occupied six years. But, although the object of this registration was for the purpose of laying taxes, no taxes were collected at the time, nor until twelve years afterwards, when Archelaus was banished, and a Roman procurator put in his place. The procurator under whom this taxing actually took place, was P. S. Quirinius, called by the Evangelist, Cyrenius, who was at that time governor of Syria. A correct understanding of this matter will easily reconcile Luke with Josephus. Thus, in the first verse of the second chapter of Luke, it is said, “that in those days there went out a decree from Cesar Augustus, that all the world should be taxed,” or rather, should be assessed or registered, in order to be taxed. Then, in the second verse, it is said, “and this taxing was first made when Cyrenius was governor of Syria.” That is, the decree took effect, and the taxing was first actually made several years afterwards, when Cyrenius was first governor of Syria; for when Christ was b.orn, Cyrenius never had been governor of Syria.

In this same year, the fourth before the vulgar Christian era, certain wise men of the Magian sect, came from the east, under the guidance of a star, and worshipped the infant Messiah at Bethlehem. Soon after this, Herod put all the children at Bethlehem to death, who were under two years of age. Macrobius, a writer of the fifth century, says that one of Herod’s own children was of this number, and that Augustus when he heard it, said “that it was better to be Herod’s hog than his son;” but the story is not probable. The sarcasm of Augustus was probably uttered, upon hearing of his having put to death his three sons, Alexander, Aristobulus, and Antipater. For Antipater, having returned from Rome without knowing that his wicked plot was discovered, was immediately arrested, and being Ijrought before Q. Varus, the new governor of Syria, was convicted of the crime of treasonably designing the death of his father; on which he was condemned, and the sentence being approved by Augustus, was put to death.

Herod lived onlj five days after the execution of his son. He died in the seventieth year of his age, and the thirty-seventh of his reign. Knowing that he was detested by the Jews, and that the report of his death would be a matter of rejoicing to the people, he formed a project, perhaps the wickedest that ever entered into the mind of man. Plaving summoned all the most eminent men in his kingdom to attend him at Jericho, where he then lay in the pangs of death, as soon as they arrived, he ordered them to be shut up in the circus; and then sending for Salome his sister, and her husband Alexas, he gave command that as soon as he was dead they should send the soldiers to put them all to death; for this, said he, will provide mourners for my funeral throughout Judea. But wicked as Salome and her husband were, they would not fulfil their promises, in executing an order of such unprecedented cruelty; though, perhaps, they were restrained by a fear of the people, rather than by any aversion to the commission of such a crime.

After the death of Herod, therefore, all these men were set free. The enormous wickedness of this last act of the tyrant’s life, seems to remove all objection that might arise in the minds of any, against the account of the massacre of the infants of Bethlehem, on the ground that no one could be guilty of such cruelty. The disease with which this wicked tyrant was carried out of the world, was attended with such circumstances as led all the people to believe that the just vengeance of Heaven was pursuing him. Josephus, and after him Eusebius, give the following account: “Herod’s disease grew yet more and more grievously violent; God exacting this vengeance on him as the punishment of the many great enormities of which he had been guilty. He had a slow fever, which inwardly consumed him. His appetite was voracious and insatiable. His bowels were ulcerated, especially the colon, which occasioned grievous pains. His feet were swollen, and oozed out a fetid humor. An ulcer broke out in the lower part of his belly, which bred worms and lice abundantly. His breath was short and the smell fetid. He had also a troublesome flux of rheum, with asthmatic difficulty of breathing; and the termination of life was at length produced by convulsions of the whole body.” His pains were terrible to the very last moment.

Herod married nine wives, by whom he had several children. Three of his sons, as we have seen, he put to death. Of his other children, it will only be necessary to mention those who are noticed in Scripture. By his wife Malthace, he had Archelaus and Herod Antipas; by Cleopatra, Philip; and by Mariamne, Herod Philip. His son Aristobulus, whom he put to death, was married to Berenice, by whom he had Agrippa, commonly called Herod Agrippa, the same who put James the apostle to death, and was smitten of God at Cesarea for his impious pride. Herodias was also the daughter of the same parents. She was first married to her uncle, Herod Philip, but eloped from him and became the wife of Herod Antipas. By her first husband she had Salome, who went with her, and was the damsel whose dancing pleased Herod so exceedingly, and occasioned the death of John the Baptist.

To Agrippa, mentioned above, there was born a son, also named Agrippa, and two daughters, Drusilla and Berenice. Before these Paul pleaded his cause. (Acts xxv. 26.) Drusilla was married to Felix, the procurator or governor of Judea.

Herod distributed his dominions among his sons, above mentioned, as follows: Archelaus was left heir to the kingdom of Judea; Herod Antipas had the tetrarchy of Galilee and Perea; and Philip, Auranitis, Trachonitis, Paneas, and Batanea.

SECTION X.

JOSEPH RETURNS FROM EGYrT VULGAR ERA ARCHELAUS GOES TO ROME AND IS

DEPOSED — CYRENIUS GOVERNOR OF SYRIA — THE JEWS RESIST THE TAXATION BY THE ROMANS ANNAS APPOINTED HIGH-PRIEST BY THE ROMANS — DEATH OF AUGUSTUS.

After the death of Herod, Joseph being warned by an angel in a dream, arose and took the young child and his mother, and returned from Egypt into the land of Israel; but when he heard that Archelaus did reign in Judea in the room of his father, he went to Galilee, and again resided at Nazareth, with Mary his wife. There Jesus abode until he entered on his public ministry.

The Christian era, which is now in common use, by the mistake of Dionysius Exiguus, who introduced it in the sixth century, commences four years later than the real time of the birth of Christ. If Christians had from the beginning used this era, there could have been no mistake in the case; but as the birth of our Saviour was not used as an era for chronological purposes, for more than five hundred years, it is not strange that a mistake of a few years should have occurred. Some, indeed, make the difference only two years, but most of the learned follow Usher, who makes it four.

Archelaus, who succeeded his father in the kingdom, conducted himself in a manner so tyrannical, that ambassadors were sent to Home, both from the Jews and Samaritans, to complain of his mal-administration. In consequence of these accusations he was cited by Augustus to appear before him and answer for his conduct. When Archelaus went to Rome, Herod Antipas did the same; and also Salome, Herod’s sister. The object of Herod was to solicit the kingdom for himself, in wliicli he had the Interest of the rest of the family on his side; for Archelaus was held in detestation by all. After Archelaus had left Judea, with the leave of Varus the procurator, an embassy of fifty of the chief men of Jerusalem went to Rome to petition Augustus to permit them to live according to their own laws, under a Roman governor. When he arrived, not being able to justify himself before the emperor, but being found guilty of all that was charged against him, he was deposed from his kingdom, had all his goods confiscated, and was himself banished to Vienne in Gaul. The duration of his reign in Judea was only ten years. After the deposition of Archelaus, Augustus appointed Cyrenius (Quirinius) to be governor of Syria, and sent with him Coponius a Roman knight, to be procurator of Judea, under the authority of Cyrenius, Judea being a part of the province of Syria. When they arrived at Jerusalem, they seized on the goods of Archelaus and changed the civil government of the Jews. The power of life and death was now taken from the Jews and assumed by the officers of the emperor; and taxes were paid directly into the treasury of the Romans, which was never done before.

The raising of these taxes caused great disturbances among the Jews. Some thought that they were under obligations to serve no king but God; most believed that it was wrong for the Jews to be subject to any foreign power. Those who made opposition on the first ground, were fanatical and seditious men, who were led on by one Judas of Galilee, a very turbulent man, of whom mention is made in the Acts of the Apostles, (v. 37,) but he was soon cut off, and all his followers dispersed. They who resisted on the latter ground, were a more formidable body, and included the whole sect of the Pharisees. Their opinions were received by the mass of the people. And hence we may learn the reason why the Publicans, or tax-gatherers, were so odious to the Pharisees.

While Cyrenius was at Jerusalem, among other important changes, he removed Jaazar from being high-priest, and appointed Annas, the son of Seth, as his successor. In the same year, our Lord and Saviour being now twelve years of age, came up to Jerusalem with Joseph and Mary, and entered the temple, where the doctors of the law were convened, heard their discourses, and engaged in the discussion of important points with them, so that all who heard him were astonished.

In the year ten of the vulgar era, Coponius was recalled from being procurator of Judea, and Marcus Ambivius was put in his place. In this year also died Salome, the sister of Herod, whose crafty and malicious intrigues had been the occasion of unspeakable evil to her brother’s family.

A. D. 12. Augustus, now old, associated Tiberius with him in the empire. From this date, his reign is reckoned bj Luke, where he speaks of the “fifteenth year of the reign of Tiberius Cesar;” Luke iii. 1. Judea was now destined to a very frequent change of masters, for in A. D. 13, Ambivius was succeeded in his office of procurator by Annius Rufus.

A. D. 14. Augustus Cesar departed this life, after he had nearly attained the age of seventy-six years. The length of his reign was fifty-six years, reckoning from the time of the first consulship; but if we reckon from the victory of Actium, it was forty-four years. He ended his days at Nola, in Campania, not far from Rome. The whole power of the empire now devolved on Tiberius, who had been made a partner with his father before his death. He was at this time fifty-five years of age, and reigned twenty-two years and a half.

SECTION XL

PROCURATORSHIP OF VALERIUS GRATUS — ANNAS REMOVED FROM THE OFFICE OF HIGH-PRIEST AND ISMAEL SUBSTITUTED — ELEAZAR, SON OF ANNAS IS PUT IN HIS PLACE, AND THE NEXT YEAR GRATUS REMOVES HIM, AND SUBSTITUTES SIMON SON OF

CANNITH — CAIAPHAS — GRATUS RECALLED AND SUCCEEDED BY PONTIUS PILATE

PREACHING OF JOHN THE BAPTIST — BAPTISM OF CHRIST DEATH OF JOHN — PUBLIC

MINISTRY OF CHRIST — DEATH OF CHRIST — HIS RESURRECTION AND ASCENSION

PILATE’s ACCOUNT OF CHRIST, SENT TO THE EMPEROR — PILATE REMOVED BY VITEL-LIUS, GOVERNOR OF SYRIA, AND SENT TO ROME, WHENCE HE WAS BANISHED TO GAUL — TIBERIUS DIES, AND IS SUCCEEDED BY CAIUS CALIGULA.

A. D. 15, Valerius Gratus was sent into Judea by Tiberius, to be procurator, in which office he continued eleven years.

A. D. 2-3, Valerius Gratus removed Annas from the office of high-priest, and substituted in his place Ismael the son of Fabus. Annas held the office fifteen years. But the very next year, A. D. 24, becoming dissatisfied with Ismael, he deposed him, and put in his place Eleazar, the son of Annas, whom he had deprived of the office. The year following, A. D. 25, the capricious Gratus removed Eleazar, and put Simon the son of Cannith in the office. A. D. 26, Simon was displaced to make way for Joseph, surnamed Caiaphas, the son-in-law of Annas, who had been deposed. These are the persons spoken of in the Gospels, who had the chief concern in the prosecution of our Saviour. And the facts mentioned above, will serve to explain several things in the sacred history. Caiaphas is said to have been the high-priest for that year, as if the office had been an annual one; whereas, it was for life, by the law, if the person did not become disqualified; but we see from the preceding history, that for a number of years no one person had, in fact, filled the place for more than a year.

A. D. 26, Valerius Gratus was recalled, and Pontius Pilate sent to be procui-ator of Judea; a man ready for every evil “VTork. Pliilo Judeus charges him -with selling justice, and giving any sentence for money; also of cruelty, rapine, murder, and injuries of every sort.

In this year, A. D. 26, according to the vulgar era, John the Baptist began to preach in the wilderness of Judea. This was in the fifteenth year of the reign of Tiberius. He continued his ministry for about three years and a half. When John was engaged in his public ministry, preaching repentance and baptising the people, and announcing that the Messiah’s reign was near at hand, Jesus Christ came forth from his retirement at Nazareth, and presented himself to John for baptism. At first this good man scrupled to perform the rite, but immediately complied, when he heard the reason assigned by Jesus for desiring it.

When Jesus was baptized in Jordan, the heavens were opened, and a voice was heard from heaven, saying, “this IS MY BELOVED son;” and the Holy Ghost descended as a dove, and rested on him. John knew the divine character of Jesus, and was therefore willing to see all men flocking after him, though his own popularity was thereby diminished. He pointed him out to his own disciples as the Messiah, and corrected their wrong feelings flowing from attachment to himself. Jesus now entered on the public exercise of his ministry, in which he laboured incessantly, until the day of his death.

John, while preaching in Galilee, fell under the notice of Herod the tetrarch, who was pleased to hear his discourses, and so much influenced by them as to make a partial reformation in his conduct. But on John’s faithfully reproving him for taking his brother’s wife, he was so much ofiended that he cast him into prison. Herodias was urgent to have him put to death, which Herod declined, more for fear of the people than from any higher motives. But on Herod’s birth-day, Salome, the daughter of Herodias, so delighted him by her dancing, that he made her a promise, confirmed with an oath, to give her what she should ask. The girl, instructed by her mother, demanded the head of John, which the king, though reluctantly, commanded to be brought to her in a dish.

The history of the Evangelist respecting Herod Antipas is corroborated by Josephus, who says: “About this time there happened to be a difierence between Aretas king of Petrsea and Herod, upon this occasion: Herod the tetrarch, had married the daughter of Aretas; but in a journey which he took to Rome, he made a visit to his brother Herod (Philip). Here falling in love with Herodias, his brother’s wife, he ventured to make her proposals of marriage. She consented, and agreed that when he was returned from Rome she would go and live with him; and he promised to put away the daughter of Aretas.”

Josephus also informs us, that Herodias had a daughter by her first husband, whose name was Salome. Josephus, moreover, represents Herodias to have been a woman of great ambition, and one who had much influence over Herod; for by her persuasions he was induced to go to Rome to solicit his brother’s crown. The defeat which Herod met with in his war with Aretas, the father of his former wife, is represented by Josephus as a judgment of God upon him for what he had done to John, called the Baptist; for, says he, “Herod slew him, who was a good man, and commanded the Jews to exercise virtue, both towards one and another and towards God, and so to come to baptism.” Josephus, indeed, while he states the fact, seems not to have been informed of the true cause of John’s death, but supposes that it was owing to Herod’s jealousy of John’s popularity, and influence with the people, which might put it in his power to excite them to revolt.

The only mention which the Jewish historian makes of Jesus Christ, is in the following remarkable passage. “Now, there was about this time, Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawful to call him a man; for he was a doer of wonderful works, a teacher of such men as received the truth with pleasure. He drew over to him, both many of the Jews and of the Gentiles. He was the Christ. And when Pilate, at the suggestion of the principal men among us, had condemned him to the cross, those that loved him at the first did not forsake him; for he appeared to them alive again, the third day, as the divine prophets had foretold these and many other things, concerning him. And the sect of Christians, so named from him, is not extinct at this day.” Most modern critics, it is true, have pronounced this passage an interpolation, and contend that it was never written by Josephus; but no convincing arguments have been adduced to prove that it is spurious.

Jesus Christ having spent about three years and a half in his public ministry, during which time he performed innumerable miracles, was apprehended by the malice of his enemies; and after being subjected to much injustice, reproach, and cruel treatment, was condemned to be crucified; which painful punishment, he accordingly endured, in circumstances of great ignominy. At his death, many prodigies occurred, a particular account of which is given in the Gospels. On the third day he arose again, and appeared unto his disciples; and for. forty days conversed frequently with them, and permitted them, by their sense of feeling, as well as of sight and hearing, to be fully satisfied of the reality of his resurrection. Having finished giving his disciples those instructions which he deemed it necessary to communicate in person, he ascended to heaven, in their sight, from Mount Olivet, while in the act of blessing them. Before he left them, he promised to send the Holy Ghost, or Paraclete, to teach and comfort them; which promise was fulfilled at the feast of Pentecost, about ten days after his ascension; when this divine Instructor came upon them, and furnished them with all the wisdom, strength, and miraculous endowment, necessary for the accomplishment of the great and arduous work for which they were commissioned.

Pilate sent to the emperor, according to the usage in such cases, an account of the character and crucifixion of Jesus of Nazareth, which was extant and appealed to in the second century. But this document is now lost.

Vitellius being now governor of Syria, the Samaritans, who had been treated with severity by Pilate on account of an impostor who arose among them, sent an embassy to the governor complaining of his tyrannical conduct. The consequence was, that Vitellius removed him from his office, and ordered him to Borne to answer for his conduct, appointing Marcellus to be procurator in his place. This was about the year A. D. 37. In the following year, A. D. 38, Tiberius died, and was succeeded in the government by Caius Caligula, before whom the cause of Pilate came; and who banished him to Vienna in Gaul, where it is said he put an end to his life.

SECTION XII.

TREACHING OF THK APOSTLES — MARTYRDOM OF STEPHEN AND ENSUING PERSECaTION — CONVERSION OF PAUL — CAIAPHAS REMOVED FROM THE HIGH-PRIESTHOOD BV VI-TELLIUS, AND ANANAS SUBSTITUTED — AGRIPPA ACQUIRES THE SUPREME POWER OF JUDEA — HEROD ANTIPAS BANISHED TO GAUL — EMBASSY FROM ALEXANDRIA TO ROME — PHILO JUDEUS — CAIUa SUCCEEDED BY CLAUDIUS — THEOPHILUS REMOVED FROM THE PRIESTHOOD AND SIMON PUT IN HIS PLACE — PETRONIUS, GOVERNOR OF SYRIA, SUCCEEDED BY MARSUS — AGRIPPA ZEALOUS FOR THE JEWISH RELIGION, BUT SEVERE

TOWARDS THE CHRISTIANS — REMARKABLE DEATH OF AGRIPPA HIS CHARACTER

AND SUCCESSORS,

After the apostles of Jesus began to preach his resurrection, an attempt was made to suppress them by force, but this proved ineffectual. A violent persecution, however, was carried on against the disciples, in which Stephen was condemned to death by the Sanhedrim, and stoned. It would seem, from this fact, that when this event occurred there was no Roman governor or procurator at Jerusalem; or the Sanhedrim would not, in contempt of his authority, have dared to inflict capital punishment on any one. It is probable, therefore, that the martyrdom of Stephen took place after Pilate was removed, and before another had succeeded him.

The persecution after the death of Stephen, became very Lot, chiefly through the zeal of a young Pharisee, whose name was Saul. He was one of the Sanhedrim who gave his vote for the death of the proto-martyr, and superintended his execution. Being determined to extirpate the rising sect, he went from place to place apprehending men and women and committing them to prison. But finding that many fled, and that Damascus was a place of refuge for them, he obtained a commission from the high-priest, and a guard to proceed to that place, to bring bound to Jerusalem all that he should find who were followers of Jesus of Nazareth. But before he reached the place, while journeying, about noon, he was overwhelmed with a blaze of light, surpassing the light of mid-day, and by terror, or some irresistible power, being struck to the ground, he heard a person speaking to him, and in the midst of the light saw near to him the very Jesus whom he was persecuting. The young man when he arose was blind, and was led into Damascus, where he remained blind, neither eating nor drinking for three days; when a disciple, being divinely directed, came to him and instructed him in the doctrines of Christ, and then baptized him. From this time to the close of life, Saul, afterwards called Paul, was a most zealous, able, and successful propagator of the faith of Jesus.

About A. D. 39, Vitellius, the governor of Syria, paid a visit to Jerusalem, and bestowed on the Jews many favours and immunities. One method which Herod had devised of governing that turbulent people, was to keep in his possession the costly robes which were worn on solemn occasions by the high-priest. They were preserved in the castle of Antonia, which he had built, and continued in the possession of his successors in power until this visit of Vitellius, at the passover, when they were given into the possession of the Jews.

Vitellius, on some complaint against Caiaphas, deprived him of his office, and made Jonathan the son of Annas, or Ananas, high-priest in his stead, and then returned home. For some time after this the Christian churches seem to have been undisturbed by persecution, and to have increased in numbers very rapidly. Soon after the events above related, we find Judea under the power of Herod Agrippa. He was the son of Aristobulus, one of the sons of Herod by Mariamne, whom his father put to death. Few men ever experienced greater vicissitudes of fortune than this Herod. Josephus gives a detailed account of his adventures, which our limits do not permit us to repeat. Suffice it to say, that after suffering innumerable disappointments and disasters, and being for two years imprisoned by Tiberius, he was not only released by Caligula, but received from him the gift of a golden chain, and a diadem. He was first made king of Lysanias, Gaulanitis, Trachonitis, and Batanea.

The success of Agrippa in obtaining the title of king, so excited the envy and inflamed the ambition of Ilerodias, that she woukl not suffer Herod Antipas, her husband, to rest until he should also go to Rome to seek for himself a kingdom. But the event was very different from their wishes and expectations, for as soon as Herod Agrippa heard of their visit to Rome, he wrote to Caius Caligula, that Antipas had held secret communications with the Parthians, and had collected vast military stores. Upon this the emperor instead of making him a king, banished him to Lyons, whither Herodias went with him. His tetrarchy was now added to the dominions of Herod Agrippa.

About this time, A. D. 41, the famous embassy from Alexandria to Rome, composed both of Jews and Greeks, took place. The celebrated Philo went as the principal of the Jewish ambassadors, and one Apion, at the head of the Greeks; of all which, Philo and Josephus have given a detailed account. The dissension between them principally related to the refusal of the Jews to worship the image of the emperor.

Caligula now recalled Vitellius from the government of Syria, and appointed Petronius to succeed him. At the same time he sent express orders that the emperor’s image should be set up in the temple at Jerusalem. To enforce this order, Petronius came to Ptolemais with an army, where he was met by many thousand Jews, who expressed their determination never to submit to such a profanation. But by the intercession of king Agrippa, who was then at Rome, the order was countermanded. When he heard of the resistance of the Jews, however, he was greatly enraged, and wrote an angry letter to Petronius, whom he suspected of acting in concert with the Jews. This year, A. H. 41, Caligula was assassinated.

Claudius Drusus succeeded Caius Caligula as emperor of Rome. By his advancement, Herod Agrippa was promoted to be king of Samaria and Judea, in addition to his former dominions; and, moreover, he manifested his particular friendship for him by having him appointed one of the consuls of Rome. To Herod, the brother of Agrippa, Claudius also gave the little kingdom of Chalcis.

The Jews, who had been much oppressed under the government of the cruel Caligula, were greatly favoured by Claudius, who permitted them everywhere to live agreeably to their own law, and put the Jews of Alexandria in possession of their former privileges.

A. D. 42, Agrippa returned to Jerusalem to take possession of his newly acquired dominion, on which occasion he offered many sacrifices of thanksgiving, and as a memorial, suspended in the temple the golden chain which he had received from Caligula, when released from prison. At this time, Theophilus officiated as high-priest of the Jews; hut soon after, Agrippa removed him from oflfice, and suhstituted in his place Simon Cantharus, the son of Simon Bocthus. The year following, however, he oifered the place to Jonathan, who declined it, hut recommended his brother Matthias, on whom the office was conferred. About this time, A. D. 42 or 43, Petronius was recalled from the government of Syria, and was succeeded by Marsus. He was far less favourable to the Jews than his predecessor, and when Agrippa undertook to raise and strengthen the walls around a part of the city, which had been recently built, Marsus interposed, represented the undertaking to the emperor as dangerous to the Roman empire, and obtained an edict forbidding the further progress of the work.

Agrippa was much attached to the Jewish nation, and strict in his observance of all religious ceremonies of the law. Josephus says of him, “That he was of a mild and gentle disposition, and good to all men; beneficent to strangers, but especially kind to the Jews, with whom he sympathized in all their troubles.” His residence, after he became king of Judea, was almost constantly at Jerusalem, where he practised the Jewish ceremonies, and did not let a day pass without worshipping God, according to the law of Moses.

It may seem to be inconsistent with the character here given of Agrippa, that he should carry on a cruel persecution against the inoffensive Christians, of which Luke gives the following account: “Now about that time, Herod the king stretched forth his hands, to vex certain of the church; and he killed James the brother of John with the sword, and because he saw it pleased the Jews, he proceeded farther to take Peter also.” (Acts xii. 1, 2, S.) But we have seen that this prince was superstitiously attached to all the Jewish ceremonies, and that he made it a primary object to please the nation in his whole administration; and as they could not be more gratified by any thing than the death of the leading teachers in the Christian church, he was induced to pursue a course in regard to this matter, not altogether consonant with his general character. Luke, in the passage quoted, adverts to the true motive of his conduct, when he says, “because he saw it pleased the Jews, he proceeded farther to take Peter also.” But his design against the life of Peter was frustrated by a miraculous interposition. An angel was sent to release him from his confinement.

Whatever the character of Herod Agrippa might have been in other respects, he seems to have been a very vainglorious person. There is a remarkable coincidence between the narratives of Luke and Josephus, in regard to the circumstances of the death of this prince. Luke says,” And he went down from Judea to Cesarea and there abode. And upon a set day,

Herod, arrayed in royal apparel, sat upon his throne and made an oration to them. And the people gave a shout, saying, It is the voice of a god and not of a man; and immediately the angel of the Lord smote him, because he gave not God the glory, and lie was eaten of worms, and gave up the ghost.”

The words of Josephus are these: “Having now reigned three whole years over Judea, he went to the city Cesarea, formerly called Straton’s Tower. Here he celebrated shows in honour of Cesar. On this occasion, there was a vast resort of persons of rank and distinction from all parts of the country. On the second day of the shows, early in the morning, lie came into the theatre, dressed in a robe of silver, of most curious workmanship. The rays of the rising sun, reflected from so splendid a garb, gave him a majestic and awful appearance. In a short time they began, in several parts of the theatre, flattering acclamations, which proved pernicious to him. They called him a god, and entreated him to be propi- ’ tious to them; saying, ‘Hitherto we have respected you as a man, but now Ave acknowledge you to be more than mortal.’ The king neither reproved these persons nor rejected the impious flattery. Soon after this, casting his eyes upwards, he saw an owl, sitting on a cord over his head. He perceived it to be a messenger of evil to him, as it had been before of his prosperity, and was struck with the deepest concern. Immediately after this, he was seized with pains in his bowels, extremely violent from the first. Then turning himself to his friends, he spoke to them in this manner: ‘I, your god, am required to leave this world; fate instantly refuting these false applauses bestowed upon me. I, who have been called immortal, am hurried away to death. But God’s appointment must be submitted to.’ While he was speaking, his pains became more violent; he was carried, therefore, with all haste to his palace. His pains continuing to increase, he expired in five days time, in the fifty- fourth year of his age, &c.”

Agrippa left behind him one son, also named Agrippa, about seventeen years of age, and three daughters. One of these, Berenice, was married to Herod, king of Chalcis, her father’s brother; the other two, Mariamne and Drusilla, were unmarried at the time of their father’s death. Of the youngest of these, Drusilla, some notice will be taken in this history hereafter, as she is particularly noticed in the Acts of the Apostles.

SECTION XIII.

FADDS MADE PROCURATOR OF JUDEA — DEARTH IN THE REIGN OF CLAUDIUS — PROSE-LYTES TO JUDAISJI — FALSE MESSIAH — FADUS RECALLED, AND SUCCEEDED BY TIBERIUS ALEXANDER — HEROD KING OF CHALCIS DISPLACED JOSEPH THE SON OF CAMUS FROM THE HIGH- PRIESTHOOD, AND SUBSTITUTED ANANIAS THE SON OF NEBEDEUS — TIBERIUS ALEXANDER RECALLED, AND CUMANUS APPOINTED TO SUC-CEED HIM — COMMOTIONS AT JERUSALEM — DISPUTE BETWEEN THE GALILEANS AND SAMARITANS CUMANUS RECALLEE AND FELIX APPOINTED PROCURATOR — TUMUL-TUOUS CONDUCT OF THE JEWS — DEATH OF CLAUDIUS — SUCCEEDED BY NERO — ANAR-CHICAL STATE OF JUDEA DURING THE PROCURATORSHIP OF FELIX — IS SUCCEEDED BY FESTUS — BOTH RESIDE AT CESAREA — FESTUS DIES — IS SUCCEEDED BY ALBI-NUS — STATE OF SOCIETY MORE AND MORE DISORDERED — ANANUS MADE HIGH-PRIEST — CESTIUS GALLUS VISITS JERUSALEM.

After the death of Agrippa, A. D. 45, Fadus was appointed procurator of Judea. Claudius would have given the kingdom to the son of his friend, but was dissuaded from it on account of his youth. A contention soon arose between this officer and the Jews, respecting the pontifical vestments which he ordered to be deposited, as formerly, in the castle of Antonia. This was by direction of the emperor. And when the Jews proved refractory, Cassius Longinus, who had been sent to Syria in the place of Marsus, came with an army to enforce the emperor’s edict; but the Jews prevailed on him to wait until they could petition the emperor, who was induced by the intercession of Herod king of Chalcis, to relinquish his purpose. Claudius then appointed this Herod to preside over the temple, and select the high-priests. He removed Cantharus from office, and appointed Joseph, son of Camus, to succeed him.

In the Acts we read, that “a prophet, named Agabus, stood up, and signified by the Spirit, that there should be a great dearth throughout all the world, which, says Luke, came to pass in the days of Claudius Cesar.” Now, during the reign of Claudius, there were no less than four times of famine. The one referred to above, occurred while Fadus was procurator at Judea, and was the last of the four; for it extended to the reign of Tiberius. About this time, the Jews received some proselytes to their religion, of rather an extraordinary character for rank, who proved themselves to be very sincere converts, by their munificence to the Jewish nation; especially in the time of the forementioned famine. The persons to whom I refer, were Helena, queen of Adiabene, in Mesopotamia, and her son Izates. At the time when this dearth occurred, Helena, was at Jerusalem, and supplied the people with large quantities of provisions; and Izates sent them, at the same time, large sums of money. These royal personages had built, near Jerusalem, a sepulchre of magnificent workmanship, in which after their death they were interred.

While Faclus was procurator of Judea, a false Messiah made his appearance, who deluded great multitudes of people, and persuaded them to follow him to Jordan, where he promised that he would divide the waters, and lead them over on dry ground. But while this multitude was on their way, they were overtaken by a troop of Roman cavalry, sent after them by Fadus. The impostor was brought back and beheaded, and all his followers were dispersed. Josephus calls this impostor Theudas, but from what Gamaliel said in the Jewish Sanhedrim, (Acts V. 36,) it appears that Theudas was before Judas the Gaulonite, and was accompanied by only four hundred men, who all forsook him. Probably, therefore, Josephus was mistaken about the name; unless, which is not improbable, there were two of the same name.

A. D. 46, Fadus was recalled, and a man of Jewish origin, by the name of Tiberius Alexander, was made procurator of Judea.

A. D. 47, Herod, king of Chalcis, having received authority from the emperor to appoint the high-priest at Jerusalem, displaced Joseph, the son of Camus, and gave the office to Ananias, the son of Nebedeus. This was among his last acts; for he died shortly after, and his kingdom was given to Claudius Agrippa, the son of king Agrippa, with the same authority over the temple and priesthood which had been possessed by Herod, king of Chalcis. In the same year, A. D. 47, Claudius recalled Tiberius Alexander, and appointed V. Cumanus to be procurator in his stead.

The following year, A. D. 48, during the celebration of the passover, a cohort of Roman soldiers were stationed before the gates of the temple to preserve order. But one of the soldiers, by an indecent action, so provoked the Jews, who were going up to the temple to worship, that some rash young men assaulted the soldiers with stones. Cumanus, at first, endeavoured to allay the irritation of the populace; but failing in this, he summoned the soldiers into the castle of Antonia, by which the Jews understood that he was about to make an attack on the temple. So great a panic seized the multitude who were within the Avails, that when a violent rush took place to escape through the gates, more than a thousand of them were crushed to death. Another tumult took place in consequence of the impious conduct of a Roman soldier, who, having seized a copy of the law, tore it in pieces, with insulting and blasphemous language. A complaint was made to Cumanus, who, seeing no other method of appeasing the people, ordered the offending soldier to be beheaded. The commotions among the people increased every day. A dispute now arose betAvecn the Galileans and the Samaritans, on account of a murder committed on a Jew in one of tlic Samaritan villages. The Roman officer refusing to do them justice, the Jews nndertook to revenge themselves, byinvading and plundering the Samaritan territory; but Cumanus coming on them with his cavalry, son dispersed them. Many, however, about this time, joined themselves to troops of robbers, and by their predatory incursions, greatly disturbed the peace of the country.

H. Quadratus had been made governor of Syria, in the place of Longinus; and he being now at Tyre, complaints were made to him, both by the Jews and Samaritans. He determined, therefore, ta come to Judea, and examine into the affair for himself. At first, he felt disposed to condemn the Samaritans, but on learnino; that the Jews had acted in a rebellious manner, in defiance of the Roman authority, he ordered such of them as Ananus had taken, to be crucified. He, moreover, put to death a leading man whose name was Doras, and several others; and sent the high-priests Jonathan and Ananus the president of the temple, in chains to Rome. Finally, he ordered all parties, and the procurator himself, to go to Italy, and submit their cause to the emperor; and then returned to Antioch. When the cause came before the emperor, the Jews had justice done them, through the influence of Agrippa, who was then at Rome. The Samaritans were condemned, and three of their leaders ordered to be executed. The Roman tribune, who had been guilty of exciting the disturbance, was ordered to be sent back to Jerusalem, and to be dragged through the streets, and then beheaded. Cumanus himself, also was recalled.

A. D. 53, Felix a freed-man, was appointed procurator of Judea, and continued in office a number of years. Agrippa seems to have been as much a favourite of Augustus as his father; for in place of his little kingdom of Chalcis, he gave him the tetrarchy which had belonged to Philip, the son of Herod the Great.

Drusilla, the youngest daughter of Herod Agrippa, was given by her brother in marriage to Azizus, king of Emesa, who to obtain her, had submitted to circumcision. But Felix, who had already two wives, became enamoured of her; and by means of one Simon a sorcerer, made her offers of marriage, and gained her consent.

Although Claudius showed himself favourable to the Jews, so many tumults were raised by them in the city of Rome, that he published an edict that they should all leave the city, which however was never fully executed. He, however, strictly forbade all public meetings among them. During all this period, the Romans made no distinction between Jews and Christians; for the latter were considered as merely a new sect among the Jews. They, therefore, fell under the operation of all edicts which related to the Jews. Accordingly, we read in the Acts (xviii) that “a certain Jew, named Aquila, born in Pontus, lately had come from Italy, with his wife Priscilla, because that Claudius had commanded all Jews to depart from Rome.”

Claudius the emperor died A. D. 55 or 56, and was succeeded by Nero, the son of his wife Agrippina, by her former husband. Nero was a cruel tyrant when in power, although he appeared to be mild and amiable in private life. Soon after his accession to the throne, he put several persons to death, to gratify his own malignant temper; and among the rest, Agrippina his own mother, to whom he owed the possession of the empire. Agrippa, however, shared the favour of Nero as he had done that of his predecessor; for he increased his dominions, by the addition of the cities of Tarichoea, Tiberias, Abila, and Julias, with the territories which appertained to them.

At the time when Felix arrived in Judea, the country was almost in a state of anarchy. The curse of God seemed evidently to be brooding over that ill-fated nation. The whole land was infested with robbers, and swarmed with impostors. About this time, also, arose the Sicarii, a desperate set of assassins, who received their name from a short sword or dagger which they carried under their outward garment. These men, by mingling with the crowd, would suddenly strike their victim, and then concealing their weapon, hide themselves among the multitude.

Felix employed these men to put Jonathan the high-priest out of the way; for by his intrusion as an adviser, he had become troublesome to the procurator. Jonathan, having had a chief influence in getting Felix appointed to this office, thought he had a right to exercise a good deal of freedom in advising and admonishing him. But he dearly paid for his officiousness, for Felix was not a man that could endure reproof.

Among the many sorcerers, jugglers, and other impostors, who appeared about this time, there was an Egyptian Jew, who drew after him thirty thousand persons, whom he led to the mount of Olives, promising that he would cause the walls of Jerusalem to fall down at his word; but Felix fell upon the deluded multitude, and slew about four hundred of them, and took two thousand prisoners. The impostor himself made his escape. Many other impostors led their followers out into the wilderness, where they promised that they would show great signs and miracles; but Felix showed no mercy to such men, and caused many of them to be put to death. The Jew above mentioned, is probably the man to whom Lysias, the captain of the temple, had reference, when he said to Paul, (Acts xxi.

87,) “Art thou not that Egyptian which before these days, madest an uproar, and leddest out into the wilderness four thousand men, that were murderers.”

Felix, as well as his successors, resided at Cesarea. We find, therefore, (Acts xxiii. 23 — 35,) that the captain of the temple, Claudius Lysias, when he had learned that a conspiracy was formed by about forty Jews to kill Paul, sent him off by night, escorted by a strong guard, to Felix the governor, at Cesarea. Here he was kept in confinement during the remaining time of Felix’s administration, which was two whole years; but liberty was given for his friends to visit him.

On a certain occasion, Felix, and his wife Drusilla, already mentioned, heard Paul preach; and the efi’ect of his discourse, “while he reasoned of righteousness, temperance, and judgment,” was such that Felix trembled, and he seems to have interrupted the apostle, not wishing to hear any more about these matters at that time; but promising that when he should have a convenient season he would call for him. And he did frequently send for Paul, and converse with him; but his object was to obtain money for his release; thinking, probably, that some of his friends would be willing to pay a large sum for his ransom.

This history of Luke is corroborated fully by Josephus, and in some important particulars, by Tacitus. The marriage of Felix to Drusilla, a Jewess, is particularly mentioned by the Jewish historian, who relates that she was the most beautiful woman of her time, and had been married to Azizus, the king of Emesa, but was seduced by means of one Simon, a Jew of Cyprus, to forsake her husband, and become the wife of Felix. Tacitus says, “That, while Felix was procurator of Judea, he acted in a very arbitrary manner, and scrupled no kind of injustice.” When Felix returned to Rome, the Jews forwarded complaints against him to Nero, on account of his cruelty and injustice while procurator of Judea.

The conduct of Felix towards Paul was very reprehensible. When he vacated his ofiice, he left him a prisoner, for no other reason but because he wished to gratify the Jews. The words of Luke are, “But after two years Porcius Festus came into Felix’s room: and Felix, willing to show the Jews a pleasure, left Paul bound.”

The exact year in which Festus came into office, is not easily ascertained; but it must have been between A. D. 57 and A. D. 60. That he was the successor of Felix as procurator, is often asserted by Josephus. Soon after his arrival in Judea, he visited Jerusalem, where the Jews renewed their accusations against Paul, and requested that he might be brought up to Jerusalem for his trial. But Paul, knowing the malice and treachery of the Jews, in order to avoid this, made use of his privilege as a Roman citizen, to appeal to Cesar; on which, Festus, after consultation -with his council, resolved to send him to Rome.

Soon after this, Festus received a visit from king Agrippa and his sister Berenice. These being Jews, Festus, sensible of his ignorance of Jewish customs, was desirous that they should hear Paul, and then advise him what he should write to the emperor respecting him. Agrippa expressed a strong desire to have an opportunity of hearing the defence of a man who had become so famous by his preaching and his sufferings. Accordingly, on a day appointed, Festus, Agrippa, Berenice, and the chief captains and principal men of Cesarea, came with great pomp into the hall of audience, where Paul was brought before them, chained; and on receiving permission from Agrippa, entered on his defence, in which he gave a succinct account of his life, and especially of his miraculous conversion. At the close of his oration he made a solemn appeal to the conscience of Agrippa, as a Jew who believed in the prophecies, and extorted from him that remarkable expression of his feelings, “Almost thou persuadest me to be a Christian.”

During the administration of Festus, the state of society among the Jews rather grew worse than better. Agrippa having, as was before mentioned, the presidency of the temple, produced a great excitement, by adding to the palace of Herod a high building which overlooked the whole city, and gave him the opportunity of seeing what was going on within the enclosure of the temple. To prevent this, the Jews built a high wall between that and the temple, which entirely intercepted the view from Agrippa’s tower. Agrippa, backed by the authority of Festus, gave orders that this wall should be taken down: but the chief men of Jerusalem urged that they might be permitted to lay the whole matter before the emperor. Nero, influenced, it is said, by his wife Poppea, who is thought to have been a secret proselyte, gave permission for the wall to stand. But for some reason he detained all the members of the embassy sent to him on this occasion, among whom was Ismael the high-priest. That office being then left vacant, Agrippa, by the authority vested in him, appointed Joseph Cabis, the son of Simon, to fill the place. After the death of Festus, which occurred about A. D. 63, Albinus was appointed procurator of Judea. He was no better a man than his predecessors, for he was in the habit of compromising with the robbers seized by public authority, for a sum of money. The number of robbers and sicarii, was greatly increased about this time by the dismission of eighteen thousand labourers from the temple; that work being now entirely finished. These men thus turned adrift and having no regular occupation, betook themselves very generally to unlawful means of procuring a subsistence. Every day, therefore, the state of society became more disorderly and miserable. In fact nearly all the bonds of civil society seemed to be severed. Albinus was not wanting in severity against the disturbers of the peace; except when they could gratify his avarice by a round sum of money; so that many of the ringleaders escaped punishment, and no salutary purpose was answered by the executions which took place. Just before the arrival of Albinus in Judea, Agrippa had given the office of high-priest to Ananus, the son of the former priest of that name. He was a zealous Sadducee, and according to the spirit of his sect, was severe in executing punishment upon delinquents. When he first entered on his office Festus was dead, but his successor was not yet arrived. In this interregnum, Josephus informs us, “that he assembled the Sanhedrim and brought before them the brother of Jesus, who is called Christ, and whose name was James, and some others; and having accused them before this tribunal, as violators of the law, he delivered them to be stoned.” Of this proceeding most of the Jews disapproved, and begged of Agrippa to write to the high-priest, and forbid his acting in so unjustifiable a manner. And some of them went to meet Albinus, who was on his way to Judea, and by their representations induced him to send a threatening letter to Ananus. Agrippa found it necessary to dismiss him from office a few months after he had been made high-priest, and appointed Jesus, son of Damneus, his successor.

Gessius Florus succeeded Albinus, as procurator of Judea, A. D. 65. This man was of a more detestable character than any of his predecessors. The Jews thought Albinus a very bad man; but in comparison with Florus, they called him good. Florus was rapacious and cruel, and his avarice insatiable. He was openly the patron of the bands of robbers, in whose wicked gains he shared. No wonder then that robbers increased, until their oppression became so intolerable, that many Jews emigrated from their own country and went to reside in foreign lands. The revolt of the Jews is less wonderful, when we reflect on the distracted and desperate condition of the nation. They were now ripening fast for those dreadful calamities which were preparing to burst upon them.

Cestius Gallus, governor of Syria, visited Jerusalem at the feast of the passover; and to form some estimate of the number of persons collected at Jerusalem, on this festival, he ordered the number of lambs used on the occasion to be counted. They were found to be two hundred and fifty-six thousand; but this number, Josephus thinks falls short of the truth, which he supposes was not less than three hundred thousand. Now, if we reckon ten persons to every lamb — for small households united in this fesitval — the number of Jews at Jerulem, during that passover, will be three millions.

SECTION XIV.

aOME SET ON FIRE BY NERO — DISTURBANCES AT CESAREA — FLORUS, THE PROCURA-TOR, EXCITES INSURRECTION — HIS CRUELTY — THE JEWS COMPLAIN TO AGRIPPA

ELEAZAR SON OF THE HIGH-PRIEST, AND MASTER OF THE TEMPLE, PERSUADES THE PRIESTS TO REJECT ALL PAGAN SACRIFICES — DREADFUL COMMOTIONS IN JUDEA, AND MASSACRES IN THE TEMPLE — CESTIUS GALLUS MARCHES AN ARMY TOWARDS JERUSALEM — THE JEWS ASSEMBLED AT THE FEAST OF TABERNACLES, FURIOUSLY RUSH ON THE HOSTILE ARMY, AND SLAY FIVE HUNDRED MEN — AGRIPPA INTERPOSES — PERSUADES THE JEWS TO MAKE PEACE, BUT IN VAIN — GALLUS

BRINGS BACK HIS ARMY TO THE GATES OF JERUSALEM RETIRES AGAIN TO SCO-PAS — IS ATTACKED IN THE DEFILE OF AN AMBUSCADE, AND FLIES WITH A FEW HUNDRED MEN — JOSEPHUS, THE HISTORIAN, APPOINTED TO THE COMMAND OF GALI-LEE AND GAMALA — NERO SENDS VESPASIAN TO JUDEA — HE FIRST SUBDUES GALI-LEE — BANDS OF ROBBERS INFEST THE COUNTRY THE ZEALOTS PARTIES IN JERU-SALEM — CRUELTIES PERPETRATED.

In the year A. D. 65, the city of Rome was burnt; set on fire by Nero himself, as all believed, but laid to the charge of the hated and persecuted Christians; who were subjected to the most horrid cruelties, and torturing deaths, as if they had indeed been the perpetrators of this enormous crime.

A. D. 66, disturbances took place at Cesarea in consequence of an imperial edict, which gave to the Syrian and Greek inhabitants of the place a rank above the Jewish citizens. The spirit of hostility between the parties began to grow hot. Occasions of dispute were not wanting. A Greek, in building his house, nearly closed the entrance into the Jewish synagogue; and on the Sabbath, to insult the Jewish worship, began to sacrifice birds on an earthen vessel, near the door of the synagogue. The parties became exceedingly exasperated against each other, and were just ready to break out into acts of hostility. The master of horse came forward to quell the tumult, but was driven back by the Greeks. The Jews now carried away their sacred books from the synagogue, and made their complaint to the procurator, who was then at Sebaste; but Florus put the embassy, consisting of twelve distinguished men, in prison; alleging as a reason, the removal of their sacred books from Cesarea.

It seems evidently to have been the wish of Florus to excite insurrection, by goading the Jews to desperation. He demanded a large sum of money to be paid to him out of the treasury at Jerusalem, and when this produced a tumult, and called forth bitter reproaches against the rapacity of the procurator, he came in person, accompanied by a body of soldiers, horse and foot. The people came out to receive him with the usual marks of external respect, but he drove them back. He now demanded that all who had joined in the tumult and reproaches against him should be given up, and would hear no apology, but gave orders to his soldiers to plunder the upper market. In the execution of these orders, they were guilty of great disorders, and some massacres. Peaceable citizens were dragged before riorus, and among the rest, some of the chiefs of the publicans, who held the rank of Roman knights, and who, after being scourged, were crucified. The next day Florus ordered the Jews to go out of the city and meet with the usual shout of joy and respect, two cohorts of soldiers who had been ordered from Cesarea; but he sent secret orders to these soldiers to receive them with insult, and if they showed any dissatisfaction, to fall upon them. The result was, that many were wounded, and others crushed to death in the crowd. His next attempt was to press into the temple with his soldiers, but the Jews offered so determined a resistance that the Romans were repulsed, and. forced to take refuge in the castle. The Jews now the more effectually to prevent the Romans from entering into the temple, broke down the covered way which led from the castle Antonia to the temple.

Florus, after these commotions, returned to Cesarea, leaving only one company of soldiers at Jerusalem. But he sent an account of these disturbances to Cestius Gallus; and the principal Jews, with Berenice, forwarded their account, in which they complained grievously of the unreasonable and cruel conduct of the procurator.

Cestius, while he ordered an army to be in readiness, sent a confidential messenger to see what the existing state of affairs was. This man met Agrippa on his return from Egypt, at Jamnia, and both together went to Jerusalem, where they were met by the people with loud complaints against Florus. But they received Agrippa with joy, and treated the message of Gallus with respect. Nay, when Agrippa, in an oration, urged them to obedience, they promised acquiescence, and paid up their arrears of taxes to the Romans, and built up the portico which they had recently demolished. But, afterwards, when Agrippa exhorted them to remain obedient to Florus until another should be sent, they were so enraged that they drove him with stones out of the city.

Eleazar the son of the high-priest Ananus, being now the president of the temple, rashly persuaded the priests to reject all sacrifies which came from Pagans; so that the sacrifices offered by the emperor were henceforth discontinued. The orderly part of the inhabitants now sent to Florus and Agrippa for a body of soldiers, to preserve order. The former gave them no answer, but Agrippa, who now resided at Cesarea, sent them a force of three thousand horse. With these, the party in favour of obedience took possession of the upper city, while the temple and lower town remained under the power of the factions. These men were actuated by an insane and fiery zeal, and would not so much as suffer the other party to enter the temple for worship. Skirmishes daily took place between them; and the revolters, aided by the Sicarii, actually broke into the upper city, and set fire to the palace of king Agrippa; and the next day made an attack on the castle of Antonia, which they took, and put the Roman garrison to the sword.

The strong fortress of Masada had been, some time before this, surprised by a band of robbers, and the Roman garrison put to the sword. At this time, many Jews of distinction had fled for refuge to the castle of Herod, where they defended themselves bravely against the revolters. Among these was Menahem, the son of the notorious Judas of Galilee; who, going to Masada, broke open the armory and obtained arms for a set of robbers and desperadoes, with whom, returning to the castle at Jerusalem, he proclaimed himself king, and took the command of its defence. The besieged at length begged permission to depart, which was granted to all except the Romans. The next day, Ananus was found dead in the palace; and his brother Hezekiah was also put to death by the robbers. Soon after this, Menahem was slain in the temple, with most of his followers, by Eleazar and his party.

During this year, A. D. 66, the whole Jewish nation was in a state of terrible commotion. At Jerusalem, the factious Jews who continued to besiege the Romans in the castle were guilty of a horrible act of treachery and cruelty; for having promised safety to the besieged, if they would lay down their arms, they, nevertheless, massacred every one of them. On the same day, all the Jewish inhabitants of Cesarea were massacred by the Greeks; and this served as a signal for an insurrection of the two parties, in opposition to each other. In all the cities, where there was a mixed population, there was no safety for any man, but in the strength of his own party. At the same time, the Jews of Alexandria were attacked, and all who could not make their escape were put to death. Fifty thousand Jews, are said to have been slain there in one day.

Cestius Gallus, to quell the spirit of insurrection which had made its appearance in Palestine, marched an army thither, and invaded Galilee, sacked many cities and slew thousands of Jews. Having apparently reduced the rebellious to subjection, near the close of the year, he marched his army towards Jerusalem, and encamped within a few miles of the city. The Jews were at this time assembled from all parts at Jerusalem, to celebrate the feast of tabernacles. When the multitude heard of the approach of the hostile army, they seized such arras as they could get, and rushed forth with incredible fury on the Sabbath, and killed above five hundred of the enemy, wTiile they suffered the loss of only a few men. And the Romans were again attacked on their retreat by Simon Gioras, and suffered considerable loss.

Agrippa now interposed, and sent two ambassadors to persuade the Jews to peace, and to offer them an amnesty for the past; but such was their inconsiderate fury, that they fell upon these messengers of peace and murdered them.

Cestius Gallus now came back with his army to Jerusalem, and having waited in vain for three days to receive proposals of peace, proceeded to obtain possession of two of the northern districts of the city, and drive the rebels into the inner city. He then attacked the upper city, and for five days the most strenuous efforts were used to gain possession of the wall, but they were unsuccessful.

Cestius then formed a testudo,* and was about setting the gates on fire, under the cover of this defence, on which many of the rebels fled from the city, and the peaceable inhabitants invited him to enter. But distrusting the apparent friendship of the inhabitants, he marched his army back to Scopas, which encouraged the rebels to attack him on his way, so that it was with difiiculty he reached his entrenchments that night, and made his way the next day to Gabao. After remaining at this place a few days, Cestius endeavoured to draw off his army to Antipatris, but the robbers and rebels increasing in number and confidence, not only pursued him, but way-laid him in the defiles of the mountains, and so obstructed his course, that he left the main body and the military engines, and fled by night with a few hundred men.

The state of things became now so distracted and desperate at Jerusalem, as Josephus informs us, that the more prudent citizens left the city. No doubt he has reference to the departure of the whole body of Christians, who agreeably to the warning of their Master, (Matt. xxiv. 15 — 20,) fled from the city, and went over Jordan, wherever they could find a secure abode; but the largest body took up their residence at Pella.

The rebels, after the defeat of Cestius, were so elated that they thought of nothing but resistance, and constrained all the peaceable inhabitants to join with them. Ananus the high-priest, and Joseph the son of Gorian, were appointed commanders. Eleazar, on account of his rash and arbitrary disposition, had no office in the new arrangement of government; but having appropriated to himself a large part of the spoils taken from Cestius, he was able by his largesses to gain over the populace to his interest. As resistance was fully deter-

* The Romans, when attacking a walled town, disposed their troops in a peculiar manner, which, from the appearance of their shields, held up and joined together, they called testudo or tortoise.

mined on, generals, or prefects were appointed for every district of the country. Among these we recognise Flavins Josephus, the historian, who has handed down to us an account of these events. To him was assigned for his command, Galilee and Gamala. Having repaired to Galilee, he began by appointing a council of seventy, to manage all important civil aflfairs; and in every city, seven judges, to attend to matters of less importance. He took care to fortify all the towns which were capable of standing a siege; and by his industry and address, soon collected an army of one hundred thousand men. But notwithstanding this formidable force, which he took care to have organized and disciplined after the Roman manner, such was the spirit of turbulence and revolt among his soldiers, that his own life was often in jeopardy. It was with much difficulty that he escaped the machinations of John of Gischalus, a very crafty leader of banditti.

Ananus the high-priest, finding that all prospect of peace was gone, endeavoured to put Jerusalem into a state of defence. As Simon of Gioras was committing great devastation with his band of lawless followers, he sent an army against him. But Simon fled to Masada, which had now become a mere den of thieves.

Nero, on hearing of these commotions in Judea, was greatly displeased with the governor of Syria, to whose negligence he attributed all these misfortunes. To put a stop to the growing evil, he commissioned Vespasian, who had just returned from a victorious campaign against the Germans and Britons, to take the command in Syria. He also sent Titus, the son of Vespasian, to Alexandria, with orders to transport into Judea two Roman legions which were stationed there.

The Jews, in the meantime, made an attempt to take the strong city of Askelon, but were repulsed with the loss of ten thousand men. A second attempt was not more successful; for falling into an ambush, they lost eight thousand men, and the remainder took refuge in the town of Bezedel, which the Romans set on fire, and they perished in the flames.

A. D. 67, Vespasian arrived at Ptolemais accompanied by Agrippa, and having collected troops from all the Roman stations in the surrounding country, and being joined by his son Titus, with the two legions from Egypt, he found himself at the head of an army of sixty thousand effective men.

Vespasian first turned his course to Galilee, where Josephus commanded. The inhabitants were at once filled with consternation, and most of the soldiers of Josephus forsook him and fled. As many Jews had taken refuge in Jotapata, one of the strongest places in Galilee, Josephus threw himself, with the few men whom he had left, into that city. Vespasian soon appeared before the place with his army, and commenced a regular siege. Josephus and the garrison made a brave defence, but after enduring a siege of forty-seven days, the place was taken. Forty-thousand Jews were slain during the siege, and the city was utterly demolished. Josephus, with forty other Jews, concealed himself in a cave; but they were betrayed by a woman, who knew their place of refuge. The Romans entreated him to yield, and promised to spare his life, but his companions would not permit him to surrender. At the suggestion of Josephus, it was agreed that they should by lot destroy one another; but after all were slain except Josephus and one other, they surrendered themselves to the Romans. At first Josephus was put in chains, but after he had predicted that Vespasian would be exalted to the imperial throne, he was treated with kindness and respect.

While the siege of Jotapata was in progress, Trajan and Titus assailed the town of Joppa, in the vicinity, where twentythousand men were slain, and none left but women and children. The winter having now commenced, Vespasian marched back to Ptolemais, and sent two legions to Cesarea, and two to Scythopolis. Having visited Cesarea Philippi, in the kingdom oi Agrippa, he and his army were splendidly entertained by that prince, for twenty days.

The remaining cities of Galilee were next reduced. The only place which made much resistance was Gamala, on the sea of Gennesareth, and situated on the top of a precipitous mountain, accessible only on one side. After Agrippa had besieged this place for seven months, Vespasian sat down before it, and pitched his camp on the accessible side. Agrippa, while summoning the town to surrender, was wounded by a sling, and repulsed. When a breach was at length made in the walls, and the Romans attempted to enter, most of the assailants were slain; and Vespasian himself was once so surrounded by the enemy, that he escaped with much difficulty. At last many made their escape by clambering down the rocks or creeping through the sewers. But one of the towers having been undermined, fell, and a way was opened for the entrance of the Romans. The Jews now fled to the citadel, but this was scaled, and all the inhabitants put to the sword, women and children not excepted.

The fortress on mount Tabor was soon reduced, but the town of Gischala, held by John, the leader of a band of robbers, was among the last in Galilee which yielded. John at length left it, after which the people willingly admitted Titus.

John of Gischala, being now obliged to relinquish his strong hold, went directly to Jerusalem, and though he concealed as much as he could, the disastrous state of affairs in Galilee, enough was known to produce deep depression in the inhabitants of that place. At this time the companies of robbers spread alarm and devastation through the country. Many of these freebooters having taken refuge in the city of Jerusalem, began to carry on the same trade there. For a while, by their violence and their numbers, they carried all before them, and meeting with no resistance, proceeded with still increasing audacity, until they set aside the most sacred rights and institutions. They made one Phannias high-priest, who, although of the sacredotal race, had been bred to labour in the field, and knew nothing of the duties of his office. These men gave themselves the name of Zealots, and to secure themselves from any attack, withdrew to the temple and occupied it as their citadel. At length Ananus Gorion the son of Joseph, and Simon the son of Gamaliel, succeeded in persuading the people to resist. But before they could arm themselves completely, they were attacked by the Zealots, and an obstinate battle was fought, in which many were killed and wounded on both sides. These conflicts afterwards became matters of almost daily occurrence, and generally the Zealots had the advantage. On one occasion, however, Ananus succeeded in driving them in, and followed so closely that he entered the outer gates of the temple with his men. On this, the Zealots retreated to the inner temple, whither Ananus, through reverence, would not follow them. But he introduced within the outer wall of the temple a guard of six thousand men, who were periodically relieved by others.

John of Gischala was secretly in league with the Zealots, but openly professed himself on the side of Ananus. Some suspicion of his fidelity having arisen he purged himself by a solemn oath, by which Ananus was so completely deceived, that he sent him with proposals of peace to the Zealots, when he took the opportunity of advising them to call to their aid the Idumeans. In a short time several thousands of these people presented themselves at the gates of Jerusalem, but were refused admittance, on which they encamped without the walls. While things were in this posture, a very stormy night occurred, in which there was much wind and thunder as well as rain. In the middle of the night the Zealots passed the guard in the temple, without being noticed, and found means to open the gates of the temple. Then proceeding to the gates of the city, they let in the Idumeans, and conducted them to the court of the temple, where they fell on the guard, who were totally unprepared for such an attack. The noise soon awaked the inhabitants of the city, but as no timely assistance could be afforded to the men shut up in the temple, they were nearly all cut off. The Idumeans and Zealots then attacked the inhabitants, and slew many of them, among whom was Ananus the high-priest, whose body was found in the morning.

The loss of this man at this time was irreparable, for he was a friend of peace, and by degrees was gaining an influence over the minds of the people favourable to peace; so that Josephus expresses it as his opinion, that if he had lived, a reconciliation with the Romans would have been brought about. But Providence had other things in view for this devoted people.

Great cruelties were now exercised by the Zealots and their auxiliaries on the citizens. They endeavoured first to make them join their party, and those who refused were massacred, scourged, or imprisoned in the temple. Many now sought refuge among the Romans, who looked on with pleasure, to see their enemies destroying one another. But all who were taken in an attempt to fly were immediately put to death by the Jews. In the midst of this confusion, John of Gischala, a brave and sagacious, but wicked man, watched his opportunity for making himself master of the city, but met with, determined opposition. His adherents and opposers, however, divided the citizens into two factions, between whom there were many bloody conflicts. While these things were transacted within the city, the state of afi’airs in the country was very little better; for, the Sicarii increased daily, and laid the country waste, sometimes even massacreing the people of whole villages. One thing which proved that the protection of God was departed from the nation, was that now, when the males went up to Jerusalem to the solemn feasts, these robbers and murderers attacked the towns, killed the women and children, and carried off” the property, a thing unknown in all the former history of this people; for God had promised to restrain their enemies at such times.

When Vespasian heard of the wretched condition of Jerusalem, he wished to march his army immediately to the place; but not thinking it proper to leave towns unsubdued in his rear, he set himself with vigour to reduce the country to subjection. Placidius was sent against Perea, where the Jews made an obstinate resistance. At Jericho, a battle was fought on the banks of the Jordan, when multitudes of the wretched Jews were driven into the river and drowned; twelve thousand were slain in the field, and several thousand taken prisoners. The other towns then submitted. This was A. D. 68.

A. D. 69, Vespasian had subdued all the region of Judea round about Jerusalem, so that the communication between the city and country was cut off”, and the Zealots prevented those within, who desired it, from joining the Romans. It was now the intention of the ‘Roman general to invest the city of Jerusalem and bring the war to a conclusion; but the intelligence from Italy perplexed him. First, he heard that Vindex had rebelled in Gaul; next, that Nero was dead, and that Galba was proclaimed emperor by the army in Spain; then, that Galba, after a reign of seven months, had been murdered; and that Otho

G12 HISTORY or THE ISRAELITISH NATION

had been declared emperor. Being greatly interested in these revolutions, he deferred the siege of Jerusalem, and waited at Cesarea for further intelligence. This short respite given by the Romans, only rendered the situation of the Jews more wretched; for without and within the walls, all was disorder and mutual conflict.

Simon, son of Gioras, a man of desperate courage, had joined himself to the robbers of Masada, and by his bold exploits became so famous, that multitudes flocked to his standard. He had now at his command an army of forty thousand men. This daring robber extended his depredations far and wide, until he came into Judea. The Zealots sent out an army against him, but they were defeated and driven back to Jerusalem, while Simon himself came up to the very walls, and by his violence and threats, filled the Zealots with dismay. Simon now returned to Idumea, and carried on his work of murder and robbery. The Idumeans fled to Jerusalem, and he pursued them to the very walls. Within the city, the Zealots, and especially John the Gischalite and his party, were guilty of unheard of wickedness. All laws, human and divine, were trampled under foot. To plunder and murder the rich, and to ravish the women, were occurrences of every day. Josephus says that “the whole city was one great 4)rothel, a horrid den of thieves, and a hateful cave of murderers.”

The Idumeans, after entering the city this second time, attached themselves to the party opposed to John and the Zealots, and by them many of the latter were slain. They plundered the palace which John had made the depository of his treasures. Upon this, the Zealots scattered through the diff’erent parts of the city, united their forces to make an attack on the Idumeans and the people. These, doubting their own strength to resist the force of their enemies, now opened their gates to Simon and his men, who, coming in, closely besieged John in the temple.

SECTION XV.

Vespasian’s prepa rations for carrying on the war — state of parties in Jerusalem — TITUS marches his ARMY TO JERUSALEM AND COMMENCES THE SIEGE

GREAT MULTITUDES OF PEOPLE WITHIN THE WALLS — EXTERNAL PART OF THE CITY TAKEN BY TITUS — GREAT EFFORTS MADE TO BRING THE JEWS TO TERMS, BUT IN VAIN — CASTLE OF ANTONIA DEMOLISHED — A LADY EATS HER OWN CHILD IN THE FAMINE — THE TEMPLE IS SET ON FIRE AND DESTROYED, CONTRARY TO THE WISHES AND ORDERS OF TITUS — THE WALLS THROWN DOWN, AND THE SITE OF THE TEMPLE PLOUGHED OVER — DREADFUL INFATUATION OF THE JEWISH NATION — THEIR RESTORA-TION CLEARLY PREDICTED.

Before the close of this year, A. D. 69, Vespasian received intelligence that the German legions had raised Vitellius to the throne of the empire. At this, he and his whole army were much dissatisfied. After some consultation, therefore, they proclaimed Vespasian emperor of Rome, and entreated him to uphold the sinking empire. From entreaties they proceeded to threats, declaring that they would put him to death if he refused to accept the honour.

Vespasian first wrote to Tiberius Alexander, in Egypt, continuing him in his ofiice, and engaging him to secure the fidelity of the two legions stationed there. The news of his advancement spread rapidly, and before he left Berytus, many ambassadors waited on him, to congratulate him. In the meantime Vitellius was defeated at Cremona, by Priscus, and Sabinus had taken possession of the capitol at Rome, in the name of Vespasian. Vitellius was murdered in the streets of Rome, and Mucianus, sent with an army by Vespasian, having arrived at Rome, Vespasian was universally acknowledged emperor. Vespasian was at Alexandria when this pleasing intelligence reached him. He, therefore, sent his son Titus back to Judea, to finish the war, and set sail himself for Rome, immediately, although it was in the midst of winter.

A. D. 70. At the commencement of this year a third party arose in Jerusalem, under the conduct of Eleazar, the son of Simon, of whom some account has been already given. He, being jealous of John’s power, formed a party and took possession of the inner temple. Thus John had to contend with Simon, who had possession of a large part of the city, and at the same time with Eleazar, who had shut himself up in the inner temple. By the continual conflicts between John and Simon, the whole of that part of the city which was adjacent to the temple, was laid waste, and the houses burnt, by which vast quantities of provisions were consumed. And often the streets were covered with the dead bodies of the slain, which lay there unburied. Nor could any one escape, for the gates were carefully watched, and even the appearance of discontent exposed a man to death, as a friend to the Romans.

A. D. 71. Titus now marched his army from Cesarea towards Jerusalem, and encamped about thirty furlongs from the city. He then rode, with a few hundred horse, to reconnoitre the situation of the town, and to see whether the Jews within were at all disposed to yield. But when he came near, the rebels rushed out and separated him from the main body of his party, so that he had no way of escape, but to break through his enemies, which, at great risk, he accomplished. He now moved forward two legions within seven furlongs of the city, and formed a line of intrenchments behind them. The legion from Jericho he stationed on the mount of Olives, six furlongs from Jerusalem, and began a line of circumvallation. But now the three parties in Jerusalem, seeing the enemy at the door, united their forces and sallied out against the legion on the mount of Olives. These sallies were made very frequently, and in one of them Titus was again in imminent danger of his life. But this union of parties in the city did not last long. As Eleazar opened the gates of the temple to all who came to worship, John sent in some of his party, with their weapons concealed under their garments. These fell upon the Zealots of Eleazar’s party, and a bloody massacre ensued. Thus John made himself master of the whole temple; and there remained now but the two parties of John and Simon.

Titus now summoned the city to surrender, but on receiving no favourable answer, he levelled the land from Scopas, where Lis camp was, up near to the city, cutting down all the trees and removing the gardens. The Jews now made a sally on the Romans with considerable success; but Titus advanced his army within two furlongs of the city, and stationed some of his best soldiers near the walls. It was now the season of the passover, and vast multitudes of the Jews were collected within the walls of the city. As to the forces within the city, Simon had two thousand men, and five thousand Idumeans, and held possession of the upper and lower city. John had six thousand men, with twenty-five hundred Zealots, and had also possession of the temple, and such parts as were fully commanded by it. Titus was now prepared to make an assault on the outer wall. But before the attack commenced. Flavins Josephus was sent to make peace, but the only answer returned, was a shower of arrows, which wounded a Roman officer who accompanied him. Mounts were now raised near the walls, in erecting which, the soldiers were protected by their military engines. On these mounts three moveable towers were erected, and the battering rams were brought to bear on the walls in three several places. These tremendous engines produced such terror in the city, that the two parties again united and made a desperate sally, to set the machines on fire, but many of the Jews were taken and crucified before the city. One of the moveable towers fell, but it caused no obstruction to the progress of the siege. The battering rams soon made a breach in the wall, through which the Romans rushed into the new city, and took possession of it on the fourteenth day of the siege. They then demolished a great part of the outer wall, and the Jews retired within the second wall. The Roman camp was now removed within the outer wall, and an assault made on the second wall; and in five days a practicable breach was efi’ected. The Jews made a brave resistance, so that for three days the Romans were unable to enter the breach; or, as often as they entered were repulsed. The Romans, therefore, did what Titus had at first resolved not to do; they demolished almost the whole of the second wall.

Titus, having now obtained possession of the interior part of the city, gave his soldiers a respite of four days, suspending operations, in hopes that the Jews would surrender; for he knew that they began to be sorely pressed with famine. But finding no desire of peace among them, he prepared to make an assault on the castle of Antonia, and pressed on the siege with vigour. Being very solicitous to preserve the city from total destruction, he sent Josephus again to persuade the Jews to make peace; but they treated the offer with scorn. Some found means of escaping from the city, whom Titus permitted to pass through his camp, and go wherever they would. The famine, within the city, now increased every day, and the robbers began, in search of food, to break into the houses of the citizens, exercising horrid cruelties on those who were unable to supply them, supposing that they had concealed their provisions in some secret place. The rich were often prosecuted on false accusations, merely for the purpose of getting possession of their wealth; for there was no difficulty in finding false witnesses to swear to any charge. The state of morals was probably never worse among any people on earth than it was at this time in Jerusalem. It is the remark of Josephus, that “a race of men so abandoned as those who then had possession of the city, never appeared on earth; and that Titus was compelled, by their abominable excesses, to destroy the city.”

Multitudes of unhappy wretches, pressed with hunger, ventured out of the city in search of food, most of whom fell into the hands of the Romans, by whom they were commonly crucified in some conspicuous place. Five hundred were often thus executed in one day; but the leaders within the city persuaded the people that those numerous executions were of the deserters who left the city to join the Roman camp. Titus cut off the hands of some of the prisoners, to inform the people that no deserters would be punished, but only such as were made prisoners of war. At the same time, he sent a message to Simon and John, exhorting them not to destroy the city by their obstinacy, but to preserve their own lives, and those of their fellow citizens. To which, from the walls, they returned a taunting answer, saying that they cared not for their own lives, nor for their country.

Preparations being now made for an assault on the tower of Antonia, by three mounts reared in the most convenient points, John, the leader of the Zealots, dug a mine under one of these towers, and overthrew it; and Simon sallied out and set fire to the towers and machines on the other two. Nay, these daring men pursued the Romans into their very camp. Titus now built a wall round the whole circumference of the city, that those within, being more completely blocked up, might be compelled by famine, to surrender. This wall, thirty-nine furlongs in the extent of its circuit, was supplied with thirteen towers, and was finished in ten days.

The distresses of the famine now became dreadful beyond conception. At first, the dead were buried at the public expense; but after a while the dead bodies were thrown over the wall, as it was found impossible to bury them all. And all parties within were so much weakened bj the famine, that they could make no more sallies to obstruct the besiegers.

Titus pitying the wretched condition of those pent up in the inner city, determined once more to renew his attack on the castle of Antonia; and for that purpose brought wood, which could no longer be had near the city, from a distance of ninety furlongs. But the distress of the famine produced no effect on the tyranny of Simon. He now put to death Matthias the high-priest, who had let him in the city; and also his three sons, besides the high-priest Ananias, and fifteen others of the first distinction.

Judas, an ofiicer who had the command of a tower, with ten other men of distinction, had, on account of the intolerable cruelty of Simon, resolved to surrender the city to the Romans; but while they delayed through distrust of the enemy’s sincerity, Simon came upon the conspirators and cut them all off.

Titus being still unwilling to abandon the hope of preserving the city, and especially the temple, sent Josephus a third time, to endeavour to persuade his countrymen to make peace. But he was now more roughly handled than on any former occasion; for as he was going round the walls, he was wounded in the head with a stone, by which he was knocked down senseless to the ground; nor was it without great diflSculty that the Romans could rescue him from the Jews, who made a great effort to seize, and drag him into the city. As it was found that some of the Jews, to conceal their gold, had swallowed it, the Syrians and Arabs cut open in one night two thousand living deserters, to search for money in their bowels. This cruel practice Titus prohibited on pain of death, as its continuance would have stopped entirely all desertions from the city.

The number of dead bodies carried through a single gate, in one month, was declared by Manneus, who fled to the Romans, to be one hundred and fifteen thousand eight hundred and eighty-eight; besides those buried by their relatives. The whole number of dead bodies carried out during the siege, was stated by some deserters to be six hundred thousand. The number buried elsewhere could not be ascertained. After the famine came to the worst, however, they were not carried out at all, but were heaped up in ditches and corners, which produced an intolerable stench.

On the third day of July, a part of the wall of the town of Antonia was thrown down by the battering rams; but the Jews had constructed an interior wall, in an attempt to scale which, the Romans were repulsed. About three o’clock in the night, however, the guards marched up to the town in silence, slew the Jewish sentinels, and immediately blew their trumpets; on which, the Jewish guard fled, supposing that the whole Roman army was upon them.

Titus brought up his army as soon as possible, and entered into the court of the temple, when an obstinate battle was fought, which continued from three o’clock till noon next day. But the Romans were at length compelled to withdraw from the temple, and be contented, for the present, with the conquest of Antonia. Orders were now given by the Roman general for the complete demolition of this castle, that he might have the more room to station his army, in their assault upon the temple. When Titus heard that the daily service of the altar had ceased, he sent Josephus again to hold a conference with John, and ascertain whether he would be willing to agree to some terms which might preserve the temple from destruction, offering to permit the daily service to be continued by men of his own selection. But John declared that the temple could never be taken, and would enter into no accommodation. Titus, himself, now most earnestly addressed the Jews, entreating them to preserve their beautiful temple — Josephus acting as interpreter — but it was all ineffectual. The Zealots attributed this moderation to mere cowardice. Titus, therefore, brought up his army, and at three o’clock in the morning the temple was attacked. The Jewish guards were found at their posts, and soon sounded an alarm; but the night was so dark that the Jews were unable to distinguish friends from foes, and actually slew many of their own men. This the Romans avoided by their watchword. The battle, thus commenced, lasted till noon, without any decisive advantage on either side. In seven days the castle of Antonia was demolished, and on the space where it had stood, four mounts were reared before the temple. These mounts were designed to bring the battering rams to bear upon the buildings on the northern side of the temple, to which buildings the Jews themselves set fire. The sufferings, by the famine, were extreme. The people devoured any thing which they could lay hold of; even their girdles, shoes, and the leather of their shields.

A woman, whose name was Mary, of a respectable family in the country, having been often plundered by the robbers, had taken refuge in Jerusalem. Being destitute of food, and without means of obtaining any, she roasted her own infant child, and having eaten part of it, reserved the remainder for another occasion, when the soldiers, allured by the smell, rushed into the house and demanded food. She boldly declared what she had done, and showed them the half of the child which was left. This horrid transaction was soon known through the city and in the camp of Titus, who protested that these miseries were not owing to him.

Early in August the battering rams were brought to bear upon the temple, and were plied for several days, without making any sensible impression. Next an attempt was made to undermine the northern gate of the temple, but it was unsuccessful, as was also the attempt to scale the cloisters with ladders; for the Jews fought so bravely that they repulsed the Romans, and got possession of one of their standards. Titus, having relinguished the hope of preserving the temple, now gave orders to set the gates on fire. By this means the flames spread into some of the contiguous buildings. The fire continued to rage the whole day, for the Jews made no effort to extinguish it. On the next day, however, it was extinguished by the order of Titus.

A counsel was now called to deliberate whether the temple should be destroyed. Some were in favour of its destruction, in order to guard against future rebellions of the Jews; but Titus persisted in his resolution to preserve this splendid edifice. He accordingly issued an order that the sanctuary should not be injured. Titus now resolved to storm the temple with his whole army; but while he was preparing for the assault, the Jews made several sallies from the eastern gate. The Romans, in driving them back on one of these occasions, penetrated, after them, into the interior of the temple, when a Roman soldier seized a fire-brand and threw it through a window or small door into a passage, which led to the apartments on the north side of the sanctuary. From this place the flames soon burst out. When Titus heard of it, he hastened to arrest the progress of the flames, but could not command the attention of his men, who were engaged in conflict with the Jews; and even the soldiers who followed hfra disregarded his commands, and instead of extinguishing, did what they could to increase the conflagration. The battle now raged around the altar, streams of blood flowed into the outer court, and the surrounding space was covered with dead bodies. Titus now went, with his chief ofiicers, into the sanctuary, and into the most holy place, and then made one more attempt to have the fire extinguished, but with as small success as before. The soldiers appeared to be actuated by a sort of fury, and applied firebrands to every combustible part. Finding it impossible to save the temple, Titus retired from the scene. The chambers of the inner court were now consumed, and all the rest of the edifice, except the buildings on the east and south, which were afterwards destroyed.

About six thousand persons, mostly women and children, were burnt in the temple, who, trusting to the predictions of a false prophet, that God would work a miracle for their deliverance, went into the temple, and there remained until it was destroyed. According to the testimony of Josephus, there were then many false prophets employed by the leaders, to deceive the people.

The gold taken by the Roman soldiers, in and about the temple, was in such abundance, that its value, for a time, was not more than one-half of what it had previously been. The lower city was now fully in possession of the Romans, by whom it was burnt as far as the pool of Siloam. The Zealots, therefore, were compelled to retreat to the upper city, where they were closely besieged, and whence they had no opportunity of making their escape. New mounts were now raised, and the machines of war were brought into play; and early in the month of September, the upper city, after a feeble but desperate resistance, fell into the hands of the Romans. Very little mercy was shown to the vanquished. They were slaughtered in heaps in every street and house, and multitudes of dead bodies were found in the houses of those who had died with famine, as well as in the vaults and common sewers. When Titus surveyed the city, he expressed great astonishment at the strength of its fortifications, and exclaimed, that it was surely God himself who expelled the Jews from fortifications from which they never could have been driven by man. The captives were very numerous. The handsomest were selected for the triumph. A large number were presented by Titus to the theatres of the provinces, but the majority were sent into Egypt, to be sold as slaves. John, the leader of the Zealots, was found almost dead with hunger, in one of the vaults. He begged for his life, which was granted, but he was kept in chains until his death.

The Romans now set themselves to destroy the walls, and all that remained of the city. Josephus says, expressly, that the ground was levelled, as though no buildings had ever stood upon it. Three of the highest of the towers and a part of the western wall were kept standing, as a monument to future ages of the ancient splendour of the city. The tenth legion was left as a garrison, and the other soldiers were all sent away.

The obstinacy of the resistance of the Jews has been sometimes attributed to an expectation of assistance from their brethren in Babylonia, but was really owing to fanatical infatuation. During the siege, ninety-seven thousand became captives, and eleven hundred thousand perished. For the siege took place at a time when the city was full of strangers, in attendance on the passover, and of refugees from the surrounding country.

Titus proceeded from Jerusalem to Cesarea, on the coast, where he left part of his army. He then visited Cesarea Philippi, where he celebrated games; and, for the amusement of the people, caused many of the Jewish captives to be cast to the wild beasts, and many more to kill one another, in the show of gladiators. He exhibited the same cruel spectacle at Cesarea, on the sea-coast, and at Berytus; at the former of which places he celebrated the birth-day of his brother, and at the latter, that of his father.

The fate of John, the leader of the Zealots, has been mentioned. At the close of the siege Simon was not found, but after the removal of the Roman army, he came forth like a spectre from one of the vaults, where he had concealed himself until his provisions were exhausted. Having surrendered himself to the governor of the place, he was sent in chains to Titus, at Cesarea, who directed him to be reserved to grace his triumph.

The same infatuation which brought destruction on the Jews of Palestine, seems to have infatuated those who dwelt in other countries. In Egypt and Cyrene, particularly, they exposed themselves, by their madness, to the same destruction which had so awfully overtaken their brethren in Judea. Their temple in Egypt was destroyed, by order of Vespasian, after it had stood three hundred and forty-three years.

The same reckless fury seems to have actuated the relics of this nation for several ages. In the reign of Trajan, and of Adrian, they were guilty of great disorders, and rose in insurrection against the Roman government, which occasioned the destruction of multitudes of this devoted people. Nor was this all. To this very day, they have been driven from country to country, everywhere oppressed and persecuted — no where finding rest, and never able to collect into a body, or to gain any permanent residence of their own — yet preserved in existence as a distinct people, retaining their national characteristics and their own religious customs, without mingling with the people among whom they dwell.

Thus do they stand, a monument of God’s displeasure against their nation’s sin, in rejecting and crucifying the Son OP God, the promised Messiah, and of the truth of divine revelation, by the fulfilment of numerous prophecies, which foretold their future condition. Still, however, they are preserved in mercy, as well as judgment. For it is clear from prophecy, that, as a nation, they will be restored to the privileges of the Church from which for so long a time they have been cut ofi” by unbelief. For a season, until the time appointed, God hath concluded them all in unbelief, that in the day of visitation, he may have mercy on all.” So all Israel

SHALL BE SAVED.”