Louvain. (1537-1544.)

At this point the history of the Netherlands presents to us a noble spectacle: we see on the one hand the little ones, those unknown to the world, serving God with fervor and indomitable resolution, and on the other hand, persecutors thirsting for their blood, and conflicts and martyrdoms awaiting them. The heroism of the lowly appears infinitely small in the eyes of the world. In our eyes it is one of the glories of the Reformation, that in its history the little ones are especially brought before us. This is one of the features which distinguish it from secular history, which takes delight chiefly in palaces and in the splendid achievements of conquerors.

At Brussels, Antwerp, Louvain, Ghent, and other towns, there were many friends of the Gospel. Evangelical Christianity was continually gaining strength, but at the same time Romish fanaticism was also on the increase. Ghent, a town of such extent that it was called a country rather than a town, contained at this period numerous adherents of the Reformation. So much did they hunger and thirst after sound doctrine that, in 1537, when a preacher who spoke French only preached the Gospel in this town, where nothing but Flemish was understood, numberless hearers thronged around him and hung upon his lips. Pierre Bruly (Brulius) — this was his name — spoke with such fervor of spirit, and with eloquence so forcible, that the Flemings, although they could not understand what he said, were edified by the earnest and affectionate feeling with which he spoke. When the sermon was over, some of his hearers who could afford it, anxious to know exactly what was said by a preacher who pleased them so much, betook themselves to persons who were acquainted with both languages, and, taking out of their pockets the small bag in which they carried their money, said to them — ‘Translate to us, if you please, the discourse which the preacher has delivered; we will give you so much for it.’ More than three hundred of the Ghentese, men and women, appear to have been converted by the preaching of Bruly. As he was anxious, however, to address people who could understand him, he left Flanders three or four years later, and went to Strasburg, where he succeeded Calvin as pastor of the French Church. People said of him — ‘He has, like the young Picard (Calvin) a pure doctrine and a spotless life.’ We shall meet with him again hereafter in Belgium.

Happily, other friends of the Gospel still remained in Ghent. There was Clava, an old man in years, said Erasmus, but who always renews his youth like the spring-tide and bears the most beautiful fruit; Jean Cousard also, who had been a correspondent of Zwinglius; and especially the four Utenhovs. Nicholas Utenhov, a distinguished jurisconsult, an elegant littérateur, a wise, modest, and upright man, long held at Ghent, with high honor, the presidency of the Supreme Council of Flanders. Every moment of leisure that he could snatch amidst the noises of the palace, the numerous causes brought before him, the exclamations of the suitors and the advocates who were about him, Utenhov employed in reading the Holy Scriptures; and he frequently devoted to the study of them part of the night.

Martin van Cleyne, a physician, a commentator on Hippocrates and Galen, tasted the Word of God, rejoicing to see how faith and the Gospel healed sick souls and gave them a new life. In the practice of his art he had never seen such marvellous cures; and he said to himself that, in spite of all the efforts which physicians make to heal them, men nevertheless die at last; while Jesus Christ heals forever and makes immortal. He therefore began to communicate to his friends and neighbors the sovereign remedy which he had discovered. But, being persecuted by the Inquisition, he went to London under the assumed name of Micron, and became pastor of the Belgian church there.

When Alasco arrived at Louvain he found there zealous partisans both of the papacy and the Gospel; on the one side theologians and fanatical monks, and on the other a little flock among the citizens who received gladly the light of the Gospel. A lady, belonging to one of the principal families of the town, Antoinette Haveloos (born van Roesmals) many of whose ancestors had in old times occupied the foremost place in the state, was animated with a lively piety, and, by her virtues, was an example to all the town. She possessed at this time a competency, which she afterwards lost, and she joyfully practised hospitality. It was in her house that Alasco took up his abode when he came to Louvain. Antoinette was then about fifty-two years of age, and she resided at a place called Bollebore, from a fountain situated near the river La Vuerre. ‘Above all things she was given to reading and meditating on the Holy Scriptures; and by this means she became acquainted with the will of God, which she also put in practice, discharging towards her neighbors the offices of charity.’ She was, moreover, regarded as the soul of the Reformation in Louvain. She had a daughter named Gudule, elegant in figure, perfectly beautiful and refined, at this time in the flower of her age. Gudule was reserved and modest, and did not make much display of her religious sentiments; but she had deep feeling and especially great love for her mother. Antoinette’s family circle was large, and her nephews and nieces had almost all become believers in the Gospel.

The Reformation also counted numerous friends beyond the limits of this family. The most faithful evangelist of Louvain was Jan van Ousberghen. His was not a spirit restless with rash zeal. The bookseller Jerome Cloet, who was well acquainted with him, called him ‘the quietest man in Louvain.’ He appears to have been well educated, and to have read the Latin works on the faith which were published in Germany and elsewhere. He let no opportunity slip of making the Gospel known, and souls were enlightened by his private conversation. ‘To the instructions of Jan van Ousberghen,’ said a pious woman, Catherine, the wife of the sculptor Beyaerts, ‘I am indebted for the sentiments which I profess. Still more frequently Ousberghen spoke at meetings held in private houses, in the farms of the neighborhood, and in the open air. There were also at Louvain a small number of priests who, although they acted with less freedom than Ousberghen, nevertheless exercised a powerful influence. Among them was one man of sixty, feeble in body, his head hoary with age, modest, but very learned. His name was Paul van Roovere. He possessed many hymns, psalms, and other writings in the vulgar tongue (Flemish), besides the Holy Scriptures, in the study of which he spent his time. He was a poet and was very skilful in versification; he was likewise a musician and player on the flute. The evangelicals of Louvain frequently accosted him when they saw him in the street, at church, or in the cathedral of Louvain, where he appears to have discharged some ecclesiastical functions. The sculptor Jan Beyaerts, one day in Lent, entered into conversation with him in St. Peter’s church, opposite to the altar of St. Ann. They spoke of the communion, and Master Paul, setting transubstantiation aside, said that the holy supper was simply a pledge which Christ had left to us of his passion by which we are saved. Master Paul had established a charitable fund for the poor reformed Christians; and when he went to the house of Catherine Sclercx, the wife of Rogiers, he used frequently to give her money to distribute to the poor, ‘because he knew that she liked to visit the houses of the needy.’ This pious priest was at the same time an agreeable man, and his conversation ‘turned upon entertaining subjects.’ He was a handsome old man, always kindly and good-humored. ‘Sincere convictions,’ it has been observed, ‘do not exclude the love of the fine arts or the graces of wit.’

Master Paul had a friend, Matthew van Rillaert, with whom ‘he often talked about the word of God and the sacrament of the Eucharist, and discussed the questions whether communion should be in both kinds and whether priests ought to marry.’ ‘Ah,’ said Matthew, ‘better take a wife than commit the sin of fornication.’ He often went to the shop of the bookseller Jerome Cloet, and ‘there religious subjects were talked of, the councils of the Church and justification by faith.’ But among the believers, of Louvain the most eminent was Master Peter Rythove, school-master of St. Gertrude, who, in this capacity, was entrusted with the education of young men intended for the ministry. He was a well-informed man, and the most learned of the theologians. He was a frequent visitor at the bookseller Cloet’s, and used even to buy books on botany, medicine, and other sciences.

One of the most noteworthy personages of the evangelical band at Louvain was Jacques Gosseau, bachelor of the Civil and Canon Laws, and formerly dean of the Drapers’ Guild. He lived on his fortune. He had married Mary, the niece of Antoinette van Roesmals. One day, at vintage-time, when Antoinette, her daughter Gudule, and other friends were at his house, Mary said that she had a great longing to eat some grapes, and proposed to go to Rosselberg to the vineyard of her sister Martha. The Rosselberg is a line of hills which takes its name from the ferruginous color of the soil. Extensive vineyards existed there till the seventeenth century. ‘With all my heart,’ said Antoinette. The company rose to depart. It was in the afternoon. When they came to the ramparts, near the gates of the city, they met the evangelist Van Ousberghen, Jan Beyaerts and his wife Catherine. They walked on together towards the Rosselberg; and on the way Jan van Ousberghen, began to read in the New Testament. They arrived at the vineyard. The porter, said one of the accused, was ‘a believer.’ They ate some grapes; and then on their way back the party took the road to Boschstrathen, and sat down for a while in the fields. Jan van Ousberghen again took his precious volume and read in the New Testament. Many persons were afterwards prosecuted for this innocent walk.

But the conferences on matters of faith, as they used to call them, were chiefly held at the house of Antoinette, either at Bollebore or at the black Lys, where she afterwards took up her abode.

There were present both men and women of various ranks, who freely conversed with one another. It is probable that Alasco attended these meetings, especially those held at Antoinette’s house, in which he often resided. His name, however, does not appear in the interrogatories. Jan Schats often read the Bible there. There is no purgatory, said he; the soul, when it escapes from the body, rests until the day of judgment in a place which God knows. Jan Vicart, the haberdasher of the Golden Gate, said — ‘There are two churches, the Christian church and the church of Rome. It is enough for us to make confession to God, because from Him cometh all salvation. I receive the sacrament in remembrance of Christ, and I bring up my daughters in these sentiments.’

The faith of some of these disciples was not steadfast and pure. The sculptor Beyaerts was one of the frequenters of these meetings; but he held some views which were more ardent than profound, and had more enthusiasm than steadfastness in his faith. In each of the churches of St. Peter and St. James there was a picture intended to impress the parishioners and induce them to come forward to the help of souls detained in purgatory. Beyaerts devoted himself to the task of putting an end to the scandal which these pictures occasioned among his friends. One evening he went by stealth into St. Peter’s church, near the tower, under the bells, by the side of a crucifix. He was alone in the church; he took down the picture, concealed it under his gown, and went quickly away. Meeting Catherine Sclercx, she saw the picture and said to him, ‘Well done.’ Beyaerts did the same with the picture in St. James’s church, and all his friends were pleased, and said that these pictures were ‘wicked cheats.’ But this same man, now so bold, displayed lamentable weakness when brought before the judges.

But there was something more than weakness. The Spirit of God was carrying on His work at Louvain and in the Netherlands, but the evil one was not idle. A black sheep had crept into the fold. George Stocx, a member of a chamber of rhetoric, and author of various songs and poems, appears to have belonged to the party of the libertines. While he was a devout speaker at the meetings he denied his doctrine by his manner of life. He sought after opportunities of luxurious living, sang verses which excited laughter, danced and drank. One evening after attending a feast at Gempe, he was so drunk when the time came for returning to Louvain that they had to throw him into a wagon.

It was otherwise with Jan van Ousberghen. With respect to him there was but one testimony. He was a holy man, people said, who had suffered much for the glory of God. He had strong faith in Christ, great piety, singular modesty, and marvellous steadfastness. He was the soul of the meetings held in the house of Antoinette. But two calamities successively occurred to waste the little Christian flock. An epidemic broke out in Louvain, apparently in 1539. It attacked especially the household of Antoinette, and carried off her husband and several of her children. The disconsolate widow took refuge, with Gudule, who was spared to her, in one of the towers of the town. These towers looked over the country, and the plague-stricken were compelled to resort to them, to prevent contagion spreading in the town. This epidemic, which took from Antoinette the objects of her tenderest affections, made a change also in her condition of life. She was henceforth ‘a poor old woman, laden with poverty and sufferings, having lost all that she possessed, even her very means of subsistence.’ But the Gospel remained to her.

The persecution of 1540 had been only partial. The inquisitors were provoked to see that it had not put an end to what they called heresy. Evangelical books and lectures were multiplied. The theologians and the monks — the band of Pharisees, as they were called by a minister of the day — multiplied their complaints and outcries. The Council of Brabant resolved, at the beginning of 1543, to make a general arrest of suspected persons at Brussels, Antwerp, Oudenarde, and especially at Louvain, where the reformed Christians were taking greater and greater liberties. In the course of March the attorney-general, Peter du Fief, a man notorious for his violent and unjust proceedings, arrived at Louvain. He determined, in order that none of those who had been denounced to him might escape, to apprehend them in a body during their first sleep. One night, in the middle of March, when it was already dark, Peter du Fief assembled his men and informed them that the business in hand was the seizure and imprisonment of all the heretics, without any noise, and without words, in the darkness. Between ten and eleven o’clock at night the officers set out on their way. The poor people, mostly of the class of artisans, wearied with their day-labor, had lain down to rest in their beds without a thought of any thing happening. The officers knocked at the door. If perchance the father of the family, on account of his hard work, had fallen into a sound sleep and did not immediately come to open to them, the door was broken down, and these brigands hastened violently to the very bedside of the father. There they took by surprise the husband and the wife, who, starting out of sleep, stared about, wondering what was the matter. The sergeants immediately laid hands on the husband, sometimes on both husband and wife, according to orders, and took them away. Thus were seen leaving their homes the sculptor Beyaerts and his wife Catherine, Dietrich Gheylaert and his wife Mary, van der Donckt and his wife Elizabeth. The children, who were beside their parents, sometimes even in the same bed, were the last to wake, and they all trembled. The whole house was filled with armed men, torches were flaring here and there, soldiers were ferreting about in every corner in search of books or men — a suspected book was sufficient ground for a sentence of death — drawn swords, halberts and cuirasses gleamed in the pale light of the torches. The little ones, who saw their father and mother ill-used, dragged one this way, the other that way, and carried off with their hands bound, wept and cried aloud. They called after them — ‘Where are you going, father? Where are you going, mother? Who is going to stay here? Who will give us our food to-morrow?’ The sergeants, fearing that the neighbors would hear these cries and come to help them, seized the little ones. ‘The poor children were flogged,’ says the chronicler. As they only cried the more, their mouths were closed by force.

Nevertheless, the constables did this to no purpose, for the uproar was too loud not to be heard. Many evangelicals, ‘when they perceived these boors were coming,’ threw themselves out of bed, leaped over the walls in their shirts, and made their escape. Sometimes ‘some good people’ came with all speed to warn their friends, who then escaped; and this greatly increased the fury of the tyrants. The attorney-general, inflamed with rage and hatred against the truth, kept up the hunt all night with his men; and nothing could pacify his wrath but committing to prison twenty-three of the townsmen, fathers and children, husbands and wives, brothers and sisters, of various classes. He had them confined in different places, giving orders that they should not be allowed to read, to write, or to speak to any one, whether it were father, mother, or wife. Besides those whom we have named, there were also seized Antoinette van Roesmals, the chaplain Paul de Roovere, the parson van Rillaert, the Sclercx, Schats, Vicart, Jerome Cloet, and others, who, when thus torn away from their homes, were persuaded that nothing short of their death would allay the rage of their enemies.

The honest townsmen of Louvain could not restrain their indignation. ‘What!’ said they, addressing the cruel du Fief, ‘thou art sending to prison people who by their virtue gave a good example to the whole town! Have they stirred up any sedition? Hast thou seen a single one of their number with a bloody sword in his hand? How durst thou lay on innocent men those unclean and sacrilegious hands with which thou hast pillaged the holy places, and robbed the poor of their earnings? Will not these houses into which thou dost make bold to enter for the purpose of persecution fall on thee?‘

The examinations forthwith began. Latomus, a doctor of the university of Louvain, famous for his controversy with Luther, the dean, Ruard Tapper, of Enkhuysen, whom the pope six years before had nominated inquisitor-general of the Netherlands, and others besides, betook themselves every day to the prisons; and they went ‘as if they were going to a combat, equipped and tricked out at all points against a body of poor weak women. The younger prisoners modestly kept silence; but the more experienced turned the arguments of the theologians against themselves, so that the latter retreated in confusion.’

It was on the 20th of March, 1543, that the inquiry began. Catherine Sclercx, wife of Jacques Rogiers, an apothecary, was brought up pede ligato on that day, on March 31, and on June 13. ‘What do you hold about the invocation of saints?’ they said to her. ‘I am little practised in discussion,’ replied Catherine, ‘but I will not hold any thing except what Holy Scripture teaches. It is there said we must worship God only and there is only one Mediator. I have therefore purposed in my own mind to worship and to invoke none but Him.’ ‘What impudence!’ said the theologians; ‘thou art venturing, with hands full of uncleanness, to present thyself before God. If the emperor came into this town, wouldst thou not, before approaching him, appeal to Monsieur de Granvella, in order that he might recommend thee to him?’ ‘But see,’ simply answered Catherine, ‘suppose the emperor were at a window and called me with his own tongue, saying — “Woman, thou hast to do with me; come up hither, I will grant thee what thou shalt ask for,” would you still counsel me to wait until I had gained friends at court?’ This noble woman then said, with a holy boldness — ‘I have a heavenly emperor, Jesus Christ, the redeemer of the world. He says aloud to all men, Come unto me! It is not to one or two of you, gentlemen, our masters, that he speaks this word. It is to all; and whosoever, feeling the burden of his sins pressing upon his soul, hastens in tears to respond to the call of God’s mercy, needs no other advocate, neither St. Peter nor St. Paul, to procure him access to his prince.’ The judges in astonishment rose without coming to any decision, contenting themselves with exclaiming, as they went away, ‘A Lutheran.’ This was an argument which they found unanswerable.

‘Even the women mock at us,’ said the theologians; ‘let us put an end to this trial as soon as possible, and let us begin with those of our own order.’ They then gave orders to bring up the priest, Peter Rythove, schoolmaster of Sainte-Gertrude. They were more afraid of him than of any one, conscious that he knew them well and had the power of divulging their frauds. Word was brought to them that he had escaped. This was an addition to their trouble. ‘Quick,’ they said; ‘let placards be posted up that he may be arrested.’ He took good care not to make his appearance, and they declared him to be an obstinate heretic. Then flying to his house, like insatiable harpies, they plundered him of every thing that belonged to him. ‘O players!’ said honest men, ‘how well you agree to perform your farces before the simple-minded people! and especially never to return empty-handed to your homes!’

They now fell upon the poor priest, Paul de Roovere, and they were determined to have him put to death with pomp and solemnity, and to exhibit him as a public spectacle. Artisans set to work and erected a platform in the great hall of the Augustines. On the day of the exhibition a great crowd of townsmen and of students filled both the hall and the adjacent streets. The procession advanced. At its head there walked a small wan old man, thin, with a long white beard, and almost wasted away with grief and exhaustion. Truly, said the spectators, this is the shadow of a man, a corpse already in a state of decomposition. It was poor Paul surrounded by armed men. Behind them came the dignitaries of the university, the heads of the convent, and others of the clergy. These doctors, at once accusers and judges, ascended the platform and took their seats in a circle, with Paul de Roovere standing in the midst of them. There sat the chancellor, Latomus, a great enemy to literary culture, who, when preaching one day before Charles V., narrowly escaped being hissed by some lords of the court. By his side sat the dean and inquisitor, Ruard of Enkhuysen, ‘a man whose oratory was of the poorest kind, but whose cruelty was extreme.’ Next to him was Del Campo a Zon, also an inquisitor, canon of St. Peter’s, and rector for the occasion, who was called by some ‘the devil incarnate,’ and there were several others. ‘Sergeants, armed at all points, surrounded the platform, prepared to defend these brave pillars of the Church.’ The rector, who was afterwards bishop of Bois-le-Duc, rose, enjoined silence, and said with a loud voice — ‘Desirous of faithfully discharging our duty, which is to defend the sheep against the furious assaults of wolves, to kill the latter and to strangle them, we present to you, as a rotten member of our mystical body, which ought to be lopped and cut off, this man, in whose house we have found a great number of Lutheran books, and who dares even to say that to be saved it is enough to embrace the mercy of God offered in the Gospel.’

Then, turning to the people, the rector, canon, and inquisitor exclaimed — ‘Beware, therefore, you who are here present, and let the danger which threatens you, and the fear of losing your souls, restrain you from despising the power of the Roman pontiffs. This wretch is condemned to be degraded from the priesthood and delivered over to the secular arm to undergo the punishment which he deserves.’

The rector was followed by Father Stryroy, prior of the Dominicans, a vehement man, whose voice was a thunder-peal of audacity and impudence. But some laughed at his storm of words, and others abhorred a course so disgraceful. Many even talked of driving the orator and the judges from their seats and of rescuing the priest Paul. But no one was willing to be captain and bell the cat. One glance from Paul would have sufficed; but the poor priest, weakened in body as well as in mind, remained motionless and silent, and thus disheartened his partisans. The priests also had noticed the dejection of the old man. They determined to take advantage of it; and, retiring into an adjoining hall, they employed for the purpose of inducing him to recant vehement entreaties, supplications, flattery, promises, and allurements. ‘The old man resisted all.’ The inquisitors then, provoked, calling to remembrance the tyrant of Agrigentum, who had his enemies burnt at a slow fire and his friends in a copper bull, said to him — ‘We will make you suffer more grievous torture than any Phalaris ever inflicted.’ Paul trembled at these words. He was led back to prison, and monks and theologians came every day and talked to him about the cruel sufferings which were in preparation for him.

Meanwhile the attorney-general was preparing for the trial of the laymen. This lasted from March 21 to the end of April; but no sufficient evidence was obtained. The judges now had the prisoners taken into the great prison, where the rack was, and there they began that frightful and marvellous process of which it has been said that it is perfectly certain to ruin an innocent man who has a feeble constitution, and to save a guilty man if he were born robust. This lasted fifteen days. The torturers knew no pity for age, or sex, or infirmity. The poor women were victimized (géhennées) and tormented as well as the men. The piteous cries of these cruelly-tortured wretched ones were heard in the streets of Louvain. Their voices, raised by grief to a higher pitch, were borne to a distance. Inarticulate sounds, piercing words, repeated exclamations, lamentations, weeping, mournful noises, broken sobs, and dying voices spread terror everywhere. Throughout the town there was nothing but sighs, tears, and lamentations from people of every class, whose hearts were filled with grief. Almost all were steadfast, but one sad victim consoled the tyrants, as the chronicler calls them. They had so terrified poor Paul that the wretched old man was seen ascending the platform with trembling steps, and there he read a statement which the theologians had prepared. He declared, with a voice scarcely audible, ‘that he detested that religion which at the instigation of Satan he had hitherto followed.’ Deep sighs and broken sobs every moment interrupted him. Good men who heard him were touched with compassion at the sight of this unfortunate victim. At the command of his masters, the poor man took his books and cast them into the fire; while the doctors and the judges, with an air of pride and triumph, insulted the Gospel of God. The wretched man was placed in close confinement in the castle of Vilvorde, was fed on bread and water only, and was not allowed to read or to write, or to see any body. He was ‘like a dead body in a grave, until at length he died there of exhaustion.’

It was now the turn of the other prisoners. Jan Vicart and Jan Schats were taken to the town-hall, and there the attorney-general turned towards them a cruel countenance and said — ‘My friends, I am grieved at your fate; but the devil has deceived you, and consequently you are condemned to be burnt and reduced to ashes as men relapsed into Lutheranism. If I were to act otherwise, I should not be Cæsar’s friend.

The whole city of Louvain was in a state of great excitement. Although executions usually took place outside the town, the inquisitors had determined that in this case the victims should suffer in the open space before St. Peter’s Church, for the sake of terrifying the people. The young Spaniard who relates these facts, and who was at this time on a visit to Louvain, went to the spot at five o’clock in the morning. Many workmen were already very busily engaged in enclosing a part of the space, that no one might pass the barrier. They next set up in the middle two crosses about the height of a man, and piled round them ‘a great quantity of faggots and other wood.’ Afterwards, the attorney-general and his attendants entered a house opposite to the church, the windows of which looked out on the two crosses. All the town companies had been ordered up ‘for daybreak,’ that the people might not rescue the prisoners. The militiamen, who had escorted the magistrates, encompassed the place, and showed by the expression of their faces that they were there ‘by compulsion and with great reluctance.’ The two prisoners at length appeared. There was first Jan Schats, now about forty-three years old, whose principal crime was having had in his house a German Bible, and read it, as well as the Life of our Lord, the Sinner’s Consolation, the Little Garden of the Soul, Emmaus, and other works bound together ‘in a leather cover.’ In addition to this, he was accused of having visited those of his own creed who fell sick and of having assisted them with his alms. By the side of Schats was Jan Vicart, haberdasher, who was charged with the like offences. These two men, coming from rigorous confinement, and having suffered cruel torture, were weak and almost half dead. Nevertheless, the bystanders heard them lamenting their sins before God, and asserting that they welcomed death, having confidence in the divine mercy.

When their prayer was finished, the deathsman bound them to the two stakes, placed a rope with a slip-knot round their necks, and then piled faggots round them with straw and powder. At a signal from the attorney-general, he tightened the rope to strangle them. The magistrate then ‘displaying as much light-heartedness as if he had been named emperor of the Romans,’ says an eye-witness, handed to the deathsman a lighted torch, and in doing this he leaned forward so eagerly that he narrowly missed falling from the window. The eyes of the multitude were fastened on him, and they contemplated with astonishment, says the chronicler, ‘his hideous face afire with rage, his fierce eyes, his mouth which breathed out flames more terrible than those of the torch in his hand. Many there were who uttered horrible imprecations against this sanguinary monster.’ ‘Ere long the fire was so large that one might have said the flames touched the clouds and would set them on fire. Some jets of flame rose to such a height and made so much noise that it might have been imagined loud voices were crying from heaven for vengeance.’

The next day it was the turn of the women. Two of them, both quite elderly, who above all had steadfastly maintained the truth of the Gospel, were condemned to the most cruel punishment, namely, to be buried alive.

One of these women was Antoinette van Roesmals, the friend of John Alasco, of Hardenberg, and of Don Francisco de Enzinas, whose ancestors had governed the state. She was now about sixty years of age, and was full of faith and of good works. It was said in the town that her kinsfolk, her friends, and even the bailiff, had offered a large sum of money that she might be set at liberty, but in vain. She drew near to the spot where she was to be laid alive in the ground. Gudule, her beautiful daughter, in the flower of her age, who cherished the deepest affection for her mother, would not be separated from her. ‘I will,’ she said, ‘be a spectator of the sacrifice of my mother.’ It was however agreed that she should not stand by the brink of the grave in which she who had brought her into the world was to be buried alive, and she consented to remain at a distance, if only she could see her mother. Thus concealed in a place apart, she saw the pious Antoinette led to execution; she saw the grave prepared, and that her mother still remained calm. Gudule was overwhelmed, silent and motionless. She shed no tears; her whole life was in her gaze. With fixed eye she watched the progress of the dismal execution. But when she saw her mother going down alive to the place of the dead, when the servants of the executioners threw upon her some shovelfuls of earth and she began to be covered with it, Gudule uttered a cry. From this moment she could not refrain; her outcries were terrible. ‘O God!’ says an eye-witness, ‘with what lamentations, with what wailings she filled the air!‘ Her tongue was at length loosed, she was no longer motionless. Reduced to despair, she began to run about the streets of the town as if she had lost her reason. Tears ran down from her eyes as from a fountain. She plucked out her hair, she tore her face. ‘The poor girl is still living,’ says the witness who has left us the narrative of these events, ‘and I have good hope that she will never be forsaken of the everlasting God, the Father of our deliverer, Jesus Christ, who is also the Father of the orphan.’

We have been speaking of some humble Christians of Louvain; we must now turn to their brethren at Brussels.

There had been signs of an awakening in this capital; and there were to be found in it men who were truly imitators of Jesus Christ, a class unhappily too small. One of the citizens, Giles Tielmans, a native of Brussels, was not ‘of a rich family nor of great renown,’ but he had acquired by his virtues a higher esteem, even on the part of the enemies of pure doctrine. Giles had never wronged a single creature, and he had always made it his aim to give pleasure to every body. He was now thirty-three years of age, and no one had ever had a complaint against him. If he encountered opposition he would give way. He would rather relinquish his rights than quarrel about them, in order that he might in this life maintain peace and charity. This Christian man fulfilled, both in the letter and in the spirit, the commandment of his master — ‘If any man will take thy coat, let him have thy cloak also.’ He had been endowed by God with a good disposition, but ‘having begun to taste in his youth the heavenly wisdom drawn from the sacred writings, this natural goodness had improved to an incredible degree.’ His look was sweet and modest, his deportment amiable, and every thing about him revealed a soul holy and born for heaven, dwelling in a pure and chaste tabernacle. He spent the greater part of his time in visiting the sick, in relieving the poor, and in making peace between any of his neighbors who might be at variance with each other. Tielmans used to say that it was a disgraceful thing to pass one’s life in idleness. In order to avoid this, to earn his living by his own labor, and to have something to give to the poor, he had followed the trade of a cutler. He lived in a very humble way, spending hardly any thing on himself, but distributing among the needy the fruits of his toil, which God greatly blessed. ‘He had thus won the love of the people.’ ‘All good men were fond of talking with him; all listened to him, and all gave up their property at his bidding.’ But if any one made him a present, ‘he accepted it only for the purpose of relieving some poor person known to him.’ He had at Brussels his baker, his shoemaker, his tailor, and his apothecary. Of the first he took bread for the hungry; of the second shoes for the barefooted; of the third garments to cover the naked in winter; and of the fourth medicines to cure the sick. The physician he paid out of his own purse.

His principal aim was to become well acquainted with the doctrines of the Gospel. He therefore read the Scriptures diligently, and meditated on them deeply. With so much fervor did he put forth all the energies of his soul in prayer, that ‘oftentimes his friends found him on his knees, praying and in a kind of rapture.’ He was a hard worker. He read all the best books which were written on the doctrine of salvation, but especially the Holy Scriptures; and when he explained the Christian faith, it was with so much eloquence that people exclaimed — ‘O pearl of great price! why art thou still buried in darkness, whilst thou oughtest to be kept in the sight and knowledge of all the world, esteemed and prized by every one!‘

In 1541, the epidemic raged again. Famine accompanied it. ‘The republic was in great distress, and many poor people were in very great trouble.’ Tielmans sold his goods by auction, and they fetched a large sum. From this time not a day passed but he went into the public institutions in which the plague-stricken were treated. He gave them what they were in want of; and served them with his own hands. He went to the inns where strangers were entertained, and he removed the sick into his own house, nursed and fed them. When they had recovered their health, he gave them the means of pursuing their journey. One day he visited a poor woman who was near her confinement. She had already five children who slept with her every night. He immediately returned to his house, sent her his own bed, the only one which remained in his possession, and slept himself on straw.

He was physician not only to the bodies of men, but also to their souls. He came to the bedside of sick persons and taught them to know the Saviour. With great power he said to them — ‘Trust not in your own works. The mercy of God alone can save you, and this is to be laid hold of by faith in Christ. So vast was the extent of sin that divine justice could be appeased only by the sacrifice of the Son of God. At the same time, the love of God towards man was so unspeakable that He sent his Son into the world, from the hidden place of his abode, to cleanse men from sin by his own blood and to make us inheritors of his heavenly kingdom.’ So energetic were the words of Tielmans that many of those ‘who lay upon their death beds attacked by the pestilence, in distress and consternation and a prey to all the horrors which follow in its train, seemed to recover life; and, casting away all pharisaical opinions and all trust in their own deservings, embraced the doctrine of the Saviour, and passed joyfully to their heavenly home.’ Those who escaped the contagion, having been brought by the Word to the knowledge of the truth, were scattered about in the neighboring towns, and sowed there what they had learnt of it; go that by these means ‘religion had been restored in its purity in the whole of Brabant.’ Such was the life of Giles Tielmans. In him faith and works were admirably united. This case is one of the fruits of the Reformation which it is worth while to know.

Persecution had not been slow in causing agitation and terror among the faithful of Louvain. Unfortunately, not all of those who ‘said that they had tasted of the Gospel and had laid hold of the true religion’ were able to persevere. There were several such at Louvain, and especially among those who belonged to the higher classes, who no longer showed any sign of true Christianity, and who, though they did not believe in Romish doctrines, yet gave out that they did, and became thorough hypocrites. They broke off intercourse with those who in their opinion might compromise them. If they had in their households any pious men, they expelled them, bidding them provide for themselves elsewhere. ‘Ah!’ said one of those who were thus turned into the street, ‘I marvel at the thoughtlessness of men. Is there any greater virtue, any ornament of life more excellent than to maintain true religion, with high courage and unconquerable spirit, even to one’s last breath? It gives me great pain to see people, who were not among the worst, lose heart at the first breathing of the storm, and like cowards put off the profession of piety.’

The same blow fell upon Brussels. The parish of La Chapelle had for its parson a fanatical priest named William Guéné, ‘a wicked rake,’ says the chronicler. The incumbent of this benefice was William de Hoowere, bishop in partibus of Phœnicia, suffragan vicar of the bishop of Tournay. But as other offices prevented his giving his personal services in the parish, he had entrusted the administration to Guéné, with the title of vice-pastor. This Guéné, ‘who ought rather to be called a wolf, considering his wicked tricks and his abominable actions,’ was continually making outcries in public, and particularly against the pious Giles Tielmans, a man so rich in good works. He put questions to him in his sermons, ‘swore and called upon heaven and earth to witness that, if this man were not taken out of the way and put to death, the whole country would in a little while be of his opinion.’ Guéné did not confine himself to saying these things in his church; but went to the attorney-general and formally accused ‘this innocent and excellent man.’ Peter du Fief did not wait to be told a second time. He seized Tielmans and put him in prison. Matters did not stop here. More than three hundred suspected persons, inhabitants of the towns of Brabant and Flanders, had been pointed out. Their names had been enrolled and their persons were to be seized. Many of them resided at Brussels. There were Henry van Hasselt, Jacob Vrilleman, Jan Droeshout, Gabriel the sculptor, Christian Broyaerts and his wife, a niece of Antoinette van Roesmals, and others, besides ‘a great number of the most respectable people of the city.’ But the tragical scene at Louvain had raised the alarm. Many took flight and remained in concealment in secret places. Some were, however, arrested.

There was one man more of note, and this was Justus van Ousberghen, next to Tielmans the most devoted evangelist. No one had more zeal, no one more courage, as a preacher of the Gospel. There was, however, one thing of which he was afraid, and this was the stake. Heretics were condemned to the flames; and the thought of being burnt, perhaps burnt over a slow fire, caused him unheard of uneasiness and pain. And assuredly, many might be uneasy at less. Nevertheless, he lost no opportunity of proclaiming the Gospel. He was not at Louvain at the time of the persecutions of March; but was then in an abbey about two leagues from the town, where he was at work. The poor man had sore trials to bear. His wife was a scold. Some time before the scenes of March 1543, Justus had been absent from Louvain three or four months, no doubt for the purpose of making known the Gospel at the same time that he was working for his livelihood.

When he returned home, his wife, ‘instead of bidding him welcome, received him in a shameful manner.’ ‘People have been to arrest you,’ she said to him; and she refused to admit him into their dwelling. Justus, notwithstanding his zeal, was a man of feeble character, and his wife ruled over him. He did not enter his house. Turned into the street, and exhausted with fatigue, he questioned with himself whither he should go. The heavens were black and the rain was falling in torrents. He betook himself to the bachelor of arts, Gosseau, and requested him to give him a bed for a single night. ‘I promise you I will go away to-morrow morning,’ he said. The Gosseaus with pleasure complied with his request. ‘You are quite chilly from the rain,’ they said; ‘first warm yourself by the fire.’ The poor man dried himself, and then took a little food. ‘God be praised,’ said he, ‘for all my miseries, and for giving me strength to rise above them!’

Shortly after the terrible night of March, Justus, as we have mentioned, was at an abbey two leagues from Louvain, where he was employed ‘in trimming with fur the frocks of the monks,’ for he was a furrier by trade. He had established himself at the entrance to the monastery, and was doing his work without a thought of impending danger. Suddenly the drossard of Brabant made his appearance, with a great number of archers. The drossard was an officer of justice whose business was to punish the excesses committed by vagrants. As the pious Van Ousberghen used to travel from place to place to get work, the magistrate had affected to consider him not as a heretic — this would have been honoring him too much — but as a vagrant. ‘At once, all the archers,’ he related, ‘fell upon me as a troop of ravenous wolves fall upon a sheep; and they instantly seized my skins and trade implements.’ The wolves, however, did not content themselves with the skins, they seized the man and carefully searched him. Ousberghen made no resistance. They found on him a New Testament and some sermons of Luther ‘which he always carried in his bosom.’ The archers were delighted with these discoveries. ‘Here,’ they said, pointing to the books, ‘here is enough to convict him.’ They hastily bound him and took him to Brussels; and there he was confined in the house of the drossard. The monks who had assembled were amazed at the scene of violence which was presented at their own gates. They had had no suspicion that a man who decorated their garments kept such heretical books in his pocket.

The next day two councillors of the chancery of Brabant appeared to conduct his examination. ‘We shall have you put to the torture,’ they said, ‘if you do not speak the truth.’ ‘I will speak it till death,’ he answered, ‘and I shall need no torture to compel me.’ They asked him what he thought of the pope, of purgatory, of the mass, of indulgences. ‘I believe,’ said he, ‘that salvation is given of God of his perfectly free goodness;’ and he confirmed his faith by the words of Holy Scripture. ‘Why,’ resumed the commissioners, ‘have you these books about you, since it is not your calling to read?’ ‘It is my calling to read what is necessary for my salvation,’ he replied. ‘The redemption announced in the New Testament belongs to me no less than to the great doctors or even the great princes of the world.’ ‘But these books are heretical.’ ‘I hold them to be Christian and salutary.’ The Reformation was and always will be the most powerful means of diffusing instruction. Rome said to the people — ‘It is not your business to read.’ And the people, instructed by the Reformation, answered, ‘It is our business to read that which saves us.’

The examination continued: ‘Discover to us your accomplices, heretical like yourself,’ said the councillors. ‘I know no other heretics,’ replied Justus, ‘but the persecutors of the heavenly doctrine.’ This word ‘persecutors’ suddenly enraged the commissioners. ‘You blaspheme,’ they exclaimed. ‘If you do not acknowledge that you lie, we will make you undergo such torments as man has never yet suffered; we will tear you limb from limb with a hot iron.’ ‘The drossard saw with his own eyes the monks of the convent where I was seized and which I attended,’replied he; ‘if you wish to have them taken, do so at your own good pleasure.’

Thereupon Justus was conducted to the prison of la Vrunte, into a lofty chamber, railed in and barred, in which he was left for nine weeks without seeing any one. Terrible were the assaults which he suffered in his own soul. Left without any human support, and no longer feeling in himself the same energy, the snares of the enemy, the remembrance of his sins, the image of a cruel death by burning, astounded and made him tremble. ‘Pray with me,’ he said to another prisoner; ‘entreat that the mercy of God may keep me in the article of death, and that I may happily reach the end of this Christian warfare.’ New strength was indeed given him.

On the day of the departure of Charles the Fifth, who had stayed some time at Brussels, Justus was brought before the court (January 3, 1544). The commissioners read to him the confession made before them. ‘Do you acknowledge it?’ they said. He answered that he did. ‘But,’ he added, ‘you have suppressed the testimonies of the Holy Scriptures by which I confirmed it.’ ‘Since you acknowledge this confession,’ said the councillors, ‘we summon you to retract it; otherwise you will be tormented with unheard of pains, and burnt alive.’ ‘You may make use of force,’ he answered, ‘but you can not compel me to this iniquity.’ ‘We give you till to-morrow to consider it.’ As he was re-entering his prison, tied and bound, Giles Tielmans approached him and said affectionately, ‘What is the matter?’ ‘The Lord calls me,’ he answered. Giles was going to speak further with him, but the archers roughly thrust him back, saying — ‘Off with thee; thou hast deserved to die as much as he! Thy turn will come.’ ‘Think also of your own,’ said Giles.

On the following day, Justus was again brought before the judges. ‘Hast thou changed thy opinion?’ they said to him. ‘If thou dost not retract every thing thou wilt perish.’ ‘Never will I deny, on earth and before men, the eternal truth of God, because I desire that it should bear witness for me before the Father in heaven.’ Thereupon they condemned him to be burnt alive. ‘Thy body shall be consumed,’ they said, ‘and entirely reduced to ashes.’ This was enough to strike terror into the heart of the poor man who had such a dread of fire; but falling upon his knees he thanked God, and then his judges, for putting an end to the miseries of his life. Terrified, however, at the thought of the flames, he turned to his judges and said — ‘Give permission for me to be beheaded.’ ‘The sentence is passed,’ they said, ‘and can be revoked only by the queen.’

Giles Tielmans did not leave Ousberghen; consolations flowed from his lips in accents so divine, with such energy, sweetness, and piety, that every word went to the heart of the sufferer, and drew tears from his eyes.’ Unfortunately, a great number of monks and priests kept coming, and continually interrupted these delightful conversations. ‘Do not trouble yourselves so much,’ said Justus to the monks; ‘but if you have power to do any thing for me, only entreat of the judges that I may be beheaded.’ His horror of burning did not abate. ‘We will see,’ they said craftily, ‘whether it can be done.’ They then urged him to receive at their hands the sacrament of the body and blood of the Saviour. ‘I long ago received it for the first time spiritually,’ he said; ‘it is engraved in living letters on the tables of my heart. Nevertheless, I do not despise the symbols, and if you are willing to give me them under the two kinds of bread and wine, according to the institution of the Saviour, I will receive them.’ The monks consented. It was a large concession on their part. The relator, however, who was in the prison, is unable to assert that the Supper was thus given to him.

On the eve of the execution, almost all the household went up to him. He was very feeble, and suffered much from thirst. He turned, however, to his friends and said — ‘My death is at hand; and since all our sins were nailed to the cross of our Saviour, I am ready to seal with my blood his heavenly doctrine.’ They all wept, and falling on their knees, by the mouth of Giles they commended Justus to the Lord. When the prayer was finished, Ousberghen rose and said — ‘I perceive within me a great light, which makes me rejoice with joy unspeakable. I have now no other desire than to die and be with Christ.’

Two of the councillors had gone to the governess of the Netherlands, and had requested her to substitute beheading for the stake. Queen Mary instantly replied — ‘I will do so; it is a very small favor where death is not remitted.’ Was there any connection between this favor and the consent of Justus to receive the Supper, at the hands of the priests, provided it were administered under both kinds? We sometimes see even strong minds shaken by some innate aversion, such as that which Justus experienced at the thought of fire.

On January 7, early in the morning, the archers arrived. Justus van Ousberghen was conducted from the prison to the market-place, and there forthwith his head was cut off. While this was going on the whole prison was in tears.

The death of Justus was not enough. The priest of La Chapelle, William Guéné and his band, were determined to have also that of Giles.

On January 22, the sergeants, who were to take him into a prison where torture was applied, came for him. It was before daylight, at five o’clock in the morning, because they feared the people. When Giles heard that they were asking for him, he came; and seeing them all shivering (it was very cold weather), he made them go into the kitchen and lighted a fire for them. While they were warming themselves, he ran to his friend, the Spaniard, who was in bed. ‘The sergeants are come,’ he said ‘to take me away to death or to some crueller fate.’

Tielmans was put to the torture; and on January 25th he was condemned to be burnt. On the 27th, six hundred men were put under arms and escorted him to the place. A vast pile was erected there. ‘There is no need of so much wood,’ said he, ‘for burning this poor body. You would have done better to show pity for the poor people who are dying of cold in this town, and to distribute to them what there is to spare.’ They intended to strangle him first, to mitigate the punishment. ‘No,’ said he, to those who wished to grant him this kindness, ‘do not take the trouble. I am not afraid of the fire, I will willingly endure it for the glory of the Lord.’ He was prepared to face the sufferings which Justus had so much dreaded. He prayed, and entered a little hut of wood and straw constructed on the pile. Then, taking off his shoes, he said — ‘There is no need for these to be burnt; give them to some poor man.’ He knelt down, and, the executioners having set fire to the pile, the kind-hearted man was consumed and his ashes were flung into the river.

The people openly murmured against the monks, and from this time began to hate them. When they came to the houses of the townsmen to ask alms, the people used to answer — ‘Giles was burnt for having distributed all his property among the poor; as for us, we will give you nothing, for fear of being likewise put to death.’

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1. The Athenæum of September 25, 1875. In this article we find a curious anecdote which we admit, not without some reserve. It serves as a support to the considerations which follow. The writer of the article relates that he once heard a discussion between M. Merle and Professor Ranke respecting certain features in the lives of his favorite heroes. The former defended them at all points; while the German historian, with his sceptical temperament, seemed to take a malicious pleasure in bringing forward their weaknesses. At the close of the discussion M. Merle exclaimed with some impatience — ‘But I know them better than any one, those men of the sixteenth century. I have lived with them. I am a man of their time.’ ‘That explains every thing,’ replied Professor Ranke, ‘I could not believe when reading your books that you were a man of the nineteenth century.’ As our own age differs so greatly in every respect from the age of the Reformation, it must be counted a very fortunate circumstance that a man of the sixteenth century has arisen to depict for us that great epoch.

2. Journal de Génève, 30 April-1 May.

3. Vol vi. p. 412.

4. ‘Purgationem objecimus.’ — Calv. Opp. tom. x. p. 107.

5. ‘Nos iniquissime in suspicionem adductos.’ — Ibid.

6. ‘Cujus libelli latinitate donandi occasionem præbuit Petrus Caroli, Sorbonæ Parisiensis doctor atque prior.... Is igitur iniquis contra Farellum Viretum et Calvinum sparsis rumoribus, tandem eo prorupit ut palam illos viros, collegas et doctrina et moribus præstantissimos hæreseos accusaret, arianismi scilicet et sabellianismi, aliarumque talium pravitatum. Nulla alia tunc publica exstabant fidei ecclesiæ Genevensis monumenta præter illam (Farelli) quam diximus confessionem et Calvini catechismum quæ tamen utpote Gallici conscripta, ceteris Helveticis ecclesiis fere incognita erant. Calvinus itaque suum catechismum et Farelli confessionem latine loquentes fecit ut omnibus istis fratribus fidei doctrinam a se huc usque Genevæ traditam et falso hæreseos accusatam hac versione declararet.’

7. Le Christianisme au dix-neuvième Siècle, of February 18, 1876.

8. La Littérature française, depuis la formation de la langue jusqu’ à nos jours, by Lieutenant-Colonel Staaf. The first edition bears the date of 1870. The fifth (1873) is now before us.

9. Revue Théologique, Montauban, October, 1875.

10. Roset, Chron. MS., book iv. ch. xxxvii. xlii. Registers of the Council for the day — Gautier.

11. Roset, Chron. MS., book iv. ch. xlv.

12. ‘Nec tamen id eo spectat, ut auferatur jus illud vobis a Deo collatum (ut et suis omnibus), ut examini subjiciantur pastores omnes.’ Calv. Opp. x. p. 352.

13. ‘Neque auctor velim esse tyrannidis ullius in Ecclesiam invehendæ.’ — Calv. Opp. x. p. 353.

14. See Reg. for the days mentioned. Roset. Roget, i. p. 191. Gaberel, Pièces justificatives.

15. ‘Biduo tanta animi perplexitate æstuasse ut vix dimidia exparte apud me essem.’ Calvin to Farel, Oct. 21, 1540. Opp. xi. p. 90.

16. ‘Locum illum velut mihi fatalem reformido.’ — Ibid. p. 91.

17. ‘Malim vitam centies exponere, quam eam deserendo prodere.’ — Ibid. p. 92.

18. Calvin, Lettres françaises, i. p. 30.

19. Calvin, Lettres françaises, i. p. 32. Opp. xi. p. 94.

20. Calvin to Farel, Nov. 13. Opp. xi. p. 114.

21. Calvin, Comment. on John xii. 25 (1553).

22. ‘Adhibui statim fratrum consilium, aliquid agitatum est.’ — Calv. Opp. xi. p. 114.

23. ‘Obtestatus sum, quibus potui modis, ne me respicerent.’ — Ibid.

24. ‘Quam plus lacrymarum efflueret quam verborum.’ — Ibid.

25. ‘Ut secessum quærere coactus fuerim.’ — Calv. Opp. xi. p. 114.

26. ‘Modo ne quis ventus istinc flaverit.’ — Ibid.

27. Calvin’s Lettres françaises, i. p. 33.

28. Ibid. i. pp. 30, 34, 37.

29. See Letter, Opp. xi. p. 132.

30. History of the Reformation. First Series, vol. ii. book vii. ch. viii.

31. Roset, Chron. MS. book iv. ch. xlvii.

32. ‘Sed qui sumus pro tanto populo?‘ — Bernard. Calv. Opp. xi. p. 148.

33. ‘Populum in lacrymis effusum videns.’ — Ibid.

34. ‘Clamant omnes: Calvinum probum et doctum virum Christi ministrum volumus.’ — Calv. Opp. xi. p. 148.

35. Ibid. p. 86.

36. ‘Duces Luneburgici Calvinum et me nominaverunt ut suo nomine in colloquio adessemus.’ — Sturmius, Antip. iv. p. 25.

37. Preface to the Psalms, p. 9.

38. ‘In ea disputatione qua Passaviensem decanum Calvinus percelluerat, territum a Calvino primo Argentinensi congressu.’ — Sturmius, Antip. iv. 21.

39. ‘Ut soliti sumusquoties una fuimus.’ — Calv. Opp. Amst. ix. p. 174.

40. ‘Ὡσπερ ὄνος ἐν σφηχίαις.’ — Calv. Epp. edit. 1575, p. 109.

41. ‘Pietas vero angelis et toti mundo testata.’ — Calv. Epp. edit. 1575, p. 67.

42. ‘Utinam, utinam moriar in hoc sinu!‘ — Calvinus contra Heshusium.

43. Calvin on John xvi. 33.

44. Badius to Th. de Bèze. — Calv. Opp. v. p. 48 of the Preface.

45.

Magnifico celebrem Christi cantate triumphum
Carmine. Io Pæan cætera turba canat.

—Epinicion. Calv. Opp. v. p. 425. This song of victory consists of 124 lines. Only a few fragments have been published. The poem was translated into French metre by Conrad Badius of Paris, and of this version we have cited two lines.

46. Lettres françaises, i. p. 37.

47. Calvin’s letter to Farel, Strasburg, Feb. 19, 1541. — Calv. Opp. xi. p. 156.

48. Calvin’s letter to Bernard. Ulm, March 1, 1541. — Calv. Opp. xi. p. 166. Letter to Farel. — Ibid. p. 170.

49. ‘Nullum esse locum sub cœlo quem magis reformidem... Jam nescio qui factum sit ut animo incipiam esse inclinatione ad capessenda ejus gubernacula.’ — Calv. Opp. xi. p. 167.

50. ‘In illis (literis) enim Periclis tonitrua mihi audire videbar.’ — Cl. Feræus to Farel. Calv. Opp. xi. p. 171.

51. See Calvin’s letter to Farel, March 29. — Calv. Opp. xi. p. 175, and his letter to Richebourg, ibid. p. 188.

52. ‘Minime idoneus mihi ad tales actiones videor, quidquid alii judicent.’ — To Farel, Strasburg, Feb. 19, 1541. Calv. Opp. xi. p. 156.

53. ‘Nondum meretur mundus ista bestia liberari.’ — Calv. Opp. xi. p. 217.

54. ‘Contarinus sine sanguine subigere nos cupit, Mutinensis totus est sanguinarius et bellum subinde in ore habet.’ — To Farel, March 29. Ibid. p. 176.

55. ‘Er hasste ihn.’ — Kampschulte, J. Calvin, i. p. 334.

56. ‘Philippus et Bucerus formulas de transsubstantiatione composuerunt ambiguas et fucosas.’ — Calv. Opp. xi. 217.

57. Calv. Opp. v. p. 52. In his annotations Calvin veils himself under the name of Eusebius Pamphilus.

58. ‘Quæ pontificii conventicula his viginti annis aut amplius ad opprimendum evangelium habuerunt,’ etc. — Calv. Opp. v. p. 472. March 1541. A summary of the cardinal’s discourse is given in Sleidan’s Hist. of the Reform. ii. book xiii. p. 207. Edit. of the Hague, 1767. Calvin’s reply is in the Opp. v. p. 461. It is omitted in the previous collections of his works.

59. ‘Everso sublatoque episcopali munere, sub ejus nomine tyrannidem prorsus antichristianam stabilire.’ — Calv. Opp. v. p. 472.

60. ‘Si qui autem alia requirant, hos nec protestantes inter suos deputabunt.’ — Ibid. p. 475.

61. ‘Cæterarum observationum ecclesiis sua relinquenda est libertas.’ — Calv. Opp. v. p. 477.

62. ‘Nihil itaque a protestantibus exsistit, cur difficile nedum impossibile sit solidam et piam ecclesiarum concordiam restituere.’ — Calv. Opp. v. p. 478.

63. ‘Catholici protestantes.’ Calvin evidently denotes by this phrase the Protestants who, like himself, wish for one universal church, one in faith, in charity, and in hope, although it may have diversities in church government and in forms of worship. The conception of such a church is a grand one.

64. ‘Totum etiam orbem ad consortium veræ et unicæ religionis Christi permoveri.’ — Calv. Opp. v. p. 481.

65. There is a whole body of Catholic literature devoted to the description of the immorality of Romish ecclesiastics; works of a grave character, satirical and humoristic works, &c. See the De ruina ecclesiæ of Nic. de Clémengis, rector of the university of Paris, who calls the ecclesiastics Porci Epicurei. Bebel, Triumphus Veneris. Théobald, Conquestus in Concil. Const., says — ‘Sacerdotes non solum tabernas sed etiam lupanaria intrare: puellas, maritatas atque noviciales, corrumpere; episcopos eodem vitio laborare.’

66. ‘Esset magnum monstrum in corpore Christi.’ — Calv. Opp. v. p. 489.

67. Isa. viii. 9, 10. Calv. Opp. v. p. 499.

68. ‘Donec uti uno incendio Germaniam viderint conflagrare.’ — Ibid. p. 498.

69. Calvin on 1 Tim. i. 17.

70. This was noticed by the editors of Calvin’s works. See vol. v. Prolegomena, p. liii, 1866. ‘Hoc Farnesii consilium... ubi mensibus aliquot post emanasset, Johannes Calvinus excusum typis commentario vestivit’ (p. lv).

71. ‘Crede mihi, in ejusmodi actionibus opus est fortibus animis qui alios confirment.’ — Calv. Opp. xi. p. 216.

72. ‘Si essemus dimidio Christo contenti, facile transigeremus.’ — Ibid. p. 217.

73. Calv. Opp. v. p. 654. Acts of Ratisbon. It is thought that the notes in which these remarks and others occur are Calvin’s because they are found in his French edition of the Acts, and not in the Latin and German editions. Internal evidence confirms this supposition, for his style and his mind are in them.

74. Calv. Opp. v. pp. 658, 659.

75. Ibid. p. 663.

76. Calv. Opp. v. p. 671. We are glad to see Calvin’s moderation acknowledged by Kampschulte, J. Calvin, i. p. 341.

77. Calv. Opp. v. pp. 680-684.

78. ‘Occasionem præterire nolui; sic elapsus sum.’ — Calvin to Farel, July, 1541. — Opp. xi. p. 252.

79. Calvin to Viret, Strasburg, 25th July and 13th August, 1541. Opp. xi. pp. 259, 262.

80. Chron. MS. de Roset, book iv. ch. 18. Registers of the Council. Gautier. Roget, Peuple de Genève, i. p. 304.

81. ‘Non ignoratis in quos tumultus et horrida scandala ab eo quo pii ministri nostri, magna quidem injuria, tumultu et conspiratione potius quam judicii ordine, ab urbe nostra injuste profligati fuerunt.’ — Archives of Geneva. Gautier, Hist. MS., p. 474. Calv. Opp. xi. p. 227.

82. ‘Unde ingentem piorum et proborum virorum turbam ad gemitum et lacrimas adegerunt.’ — Calv. Opp. xi. p. 227.

83. ‘Per eos rejecti qui propriam sectabantur concupiscentiam, potius quam Dei voluntatem.’ — Ibid.

84. ‘Posteaquam factiosorum seditiosorumque hominum arte et machinationibus.’ — Calv. Opp. xi. p. 222.

85. ‘Nihil præter molestias, inimicitias, lites, contentiones, dissolutiones, seditiones, factiones et homicidia.’ — Calv. Opp. xi. p. 222.

86. ‘Cum hic velut ostium Galliæ, Italiæque simus.’ — Calv. Opp. xi. p. 122.

87. The syndics were — J. A. Curtet, A. Baudière, Pernet-Desfosses, and Domaine d’Arlod. — Calv. Opp. xi. p. 152. Roget, Peuple de Genève, i. p. 320.

88. Calv. Opp. xi. pp. 184, 186, 234.

89. Calvin to Farel, March 1, 1541. ‘Sane me vehementer conturbarunt ac consternarunt tua fulgura... Ignosce quæso imprudentiæ meæ.... Spero te veniam daturum.’ — Opp. xi. p. 170.

90. Calvin, Henry, i. p. 395. Calvin on Acts, iv. 5.

91. ‘Cor meum velut mactatum Domino in sacrificium offero.’ — Calvin to Farel, Oct. or Nov. 1540. Opp. xi. p. 100.

92. ‘Animum vinctum et constrictum subigo in obedientiam Dei.’ — Ibid.

93. A seal of Calvin’s bears this motto, and the emblem is a hand presenting a heart to heaven.

94. Préface des Psaumes, p. ix.

95. Bèze-Colladon, Vie de Calvin, p. 47. Calv. Opp. xi. pp. 97, 267, 271, 273. Roget, Peuple de Genève, p. 309.

96. Ruchat, v. pp. 164-167. Calvin to the lords of Geneva, Lettres françaises, i. p. 38. To the lords of Neuchâtel, ibid. pp. 39-43. Calv. Opp. xi. pp. 275-293. Registers of the Council for the day.

97. Registers of the Council, August 29 and September 9. De la Maison de Calvin, by Th. Heyer. Mémoires d’Archéologie, ix. pp. 394, 403.

98. Préface des Psaumes, p. 8.

99. ‘Summa cum universi populi ac senatus imprimis singulare Dei erga se beneficium serio tunc agnoscentis congratulatione.’ — Beza, Vita Calvini, p. 7.

100. Bèze-Colladon, Vie de Calvin, p. 47.

101. ‘So durchzog er jetzt im Triumph.. Er hielt unter dem Jubel der Bevölkerung seinen feierlichen Einzug in Genf.. richtete an die versammelte Menge Worte,’ &c. — Kampschulte, J. Calvin, i. p. 381. These flights of imagination are astonishing in a writer like Kampschulte. M. Roget, with reference to a passage of Henry, rejects as we do the idea of outward demonstrations. — Peuple de Genève, i. p. 312.

102. Heyer, Mem d’Archéologie, ix. pp. 396-398, 405, 406. The house of the abbé de Bonmont, in which Calvin first lived, is that in the Rue des Chanoines, which, as rebuilt in 1708 by the syndic Buisson, now bears the number 13, and belongs to M. Adrien Naville, president several times of the Société Evangélique and the Evangelical Alliance.

103. Την πανοπλιαν τοῦ Θεοῦ. Ephes. vi. 11.

104. Beza, Vita Calvini, ad finem.

105. ‘Non posse consistere ecclesiam, nisi certum regimen constitueretur,’ &c. Calvin to Farel, September 16, 1541. Opp. xi. p. 281.

106. Goulaz was succeeded by Balard. — Calvin to Farel, Sep. 16, 1541. Opp. xi. p. 281.

107. ‘Mit fast kriechender Unterwürfigkeit.. sich so tief vor ihm erniedrigte.’ — Kampschulte, J. Calvin, i. p. 385.

108. ‘Sein Herrscherrecht über Genf.. ein von Gott selbst erklärter Glaubenssatz.’ — Ibid.

109. The Genevese florin was rather more than half a franc in value. The salary of the reformer was therefore about 250 francs. But taking into account the higher value of money at that period, it may be reckoned that this sum would be equivalent at the present time to about 4,000 francs (160l.). This is the estimate of M. Franklin, of the Mazarin Library, and we think it is accurate.

110. Registers of the day. Gautier, Hist. MS., 481.

111. ‘Totus in eo erat ut et Viretum.. et Farellum collegas perpetuos haberet.’ — Beza, Vita Calvini, p. 9.

112. Calvin to Farel, Geneva, September 16, 1541. Opp. xi. p. 281. Calvin speaks thus with reference to Farel’s despondency.

113. Comment on II. Cor. vii. 1; Gen. xvii. 1.

114. ‘Calvin fühlte sich fast nur noch als Werkzeug in der Hand
Gottes,... ohne jedes persönliche Zuthun.’ — Kampschulte, J.
Calvin, i. 306.

115. Roset, Chron. MS., book iv. chap. 53. Registers of October 26, 1541.

116. Calvin on Ephes., iv. 15.

117. Calvin to Bucer, October 15, 1541. Opp. xi. p. 299.

118. Calvin to Bucer, Oct. 15, 1541. — Opp. xi. p. 299.

119. In a letter to some anonymous correspondent Calvin speaks of about twenty days. ‘Intra viginti dies formulam composuimus.’ This passage cannot invalidate the other account, and is not far from agreeing with it.

120. Registers of September 28.

121. Calvin to Bucer, October 15, 1541. Registers of September 29.

122. Registers, October 25 and 27; November 9 and 20, 1541; and January 2, 1542. Roset, Chron. MS. book iv. ch. 50. Beza, Vita Calvini, p. 8. Gautier, book vi. p. 485. Calv. Opp. x. p. 15; xi. p. 379.

123. Calv. Opp. x. 15-30. Scheme of ecclesiastical ordinances. This introduction (p. 16) is found at the head of the ordinances in the Registers of the Venerable Company of Pastors, to which they were officially communicated.

124. Memoir sent to the Council of Constance. See also Pici Mirandulæ ad Leonem P. M. de Reformandis Moribus.

125. Institution de la Religion Chrétienne, book iii. ch. 6.

126. Calvin on John xv. 4, 5.

127. Ordonnances ecclésiastiques. — Calv. Opp. x. p. 17.

128. Ibid.

129. Ibid.

130. Pascal.

131. Ordonnances. — Calv. Opp. x. pp. 19, 20.

132. Proverbs, xxii. 6.

133. Ordonnances. — Calv. Opp. x. p. 28.

134. Ibid. p. 28.

135. Racine. — Athalie.

136. Ordonnances. — Calv. Opp. x. p. 23.

137. Ibid. p. 24.

138. Calv. Opp. x. p. 27.

139. Ibid. pp. 27 and 28.

140. See, for these quotations, Institution chrétienne, book iv. ch. 3. sect. 15.

141. Ordonnances. — Calv. Opp. x. p. 17.

142. Ordonnances. — Calv. Opp. x. p. 18.

143. Ibid. pp. 31, 32.

144. Ibid. p. 21.

145. Ordonnances. — Calv. Opp. x. pp. 21, 22.

146. Ibid. pp. 22, 23.

147. Ordonnances. — Calv. Opp. x. p. 22.

148. Ordonnances. — Calv. Opp. x. p. 17.

149. Calvin on Matt. xxiv. 14.

150. Ordonnances, Calv. x. pp. 20, 21. (The article of the Ordinances appears to say five, not six.) ‘On work-days, in addition to the two customary preachings, there shall be preaching at St. Peter’s three times a week, to wit, on Monday, Tuesday, and Friday, before it begins at the other places.’ — Editor.

151. ‘Where two or three are gathered together in my name, there am I in the midst of them.’ — Matt. xviii. 20.

152. Ordonnances. — Calv. Opp. x. pp. 25, 26.

153. Ibid. p. 22.

154. Ibid. x. p. 29.

155. Ordonnances. — Calv. Opp. x. p. 30.

156. Introduction aux extraits des registres du consistoire de Genève, 1541-1814, by M. the Syndic Auguste Cramer. These autograph notes have not been printed.

157. Registers of the Council of December 27, 1542.

158. Roset, Chron. MS. de Genève, book iv. chap. 61. In the middle ages the name of Jesus took an h (Jhesus or Jehesus). It was represented by the letters J H S, with a mark of abbreviation above them. These three letters were subsequently considered to be the initials of the formula Jesus Hominum Salvator. — Blavignac, Armorial Genevois. Mémoires d’Archéologie, vol. vi. p. 176.

159. Roget, L’Eglise et l’Etat, Geneva, 1867, p. 7.

160. Cramer, Introduction aux extraits des registres du consistoire. Geneva, 1853, p. 5.

161. Calv. Opp. x. p. 21, note 4.

162. Ordonnances, &c. Calv. Opp. x. pp. 16, 17, 21, 22, 29, 30.

163. Registers of the Council, November 9, 1541.

164. ‘Alternis hebdomadibus totis concionabator.’ — Beza, Vita Calvini, p. 8. Calvin’s letter to Myconius, Geneva, March 14, 1542. Calv. Opp. xi. p. 337. Ordonnances, edit. of 1561. Bèze-Colladon, Vie française de Calvin, pp. 55, 56.

165. ‘Multos ex Gallia et Italia.’ — Beza, Vita Calvini, p. 9.

166. Ordonnances. — Calvin, Opp. x. p. 17.

167. Sayous, Études sur les écrivains de la réformation, i. p. 173.

168. The title-page of the volume on Deuteronomy states — ‘Taken down faithfully and verbatim, as M. Jean Calvin publicly preached them.’

169. Kampschulte, Joh. Calvin, i. p. 406.

170. Vingt-deux Sermons de M. Jean Calvin sur le Psaume cxix. Geneva: by François Estienne, for Estienne Anastase, 1562, p. 38.

171. Vingt-deux Sermons, &c — Second Sermon, pp. 26, 27.

172. Vingt-deux Sermons, &c. — Second Sermon, pp. 41, 42.

173. Ibid. Third Sermon, pp. 52, 53, 61, 62.

174. Vingt-deux Sermons, &c. — Eighteenth Sermon, p. 368.

175. Vingt-deux Sermons, &c. — Twentieth Sermon, pp. 405, 406.

176. Ibid. Twenty-second Sermon, pp. 452, 453.

177. Sermons de J. Calvin sur les Epîtres de saint Paul à Timothé et à Tite, 1561, p. 67, &c.

178. Sainte-Beuve, Port-Royal, iii. p. 403.

179. Institution Chrétienne, book III. ch. xxiii. § 8.

180. Ibid.

181. Institution Chrétienne, ch. 21, § 1, 2.

182. Calvin d’après Calvin, published by the Evangelical Alliance of Geneva for the third Jubilee of May 27, 1564, p. 28.

183. Cramer, Extraits (autograph) des régistres du Consistoire.

184. Lettres françaises, i. p. 188.

185. Cramer, Extraits (autograph) des régistres du Consistoire.

186. Cramer, Extraits des régistres du Consistoire.

187. Bonivard had to appear before the consistory for having one evening, at the lodging of Jean Hugonier, while waiting for supper, played at dice for a quart of wine with Clement Marot. — Roget, Peuple de Genève, ii. p. 29.

188. Cramer, Extraits des régistres du Consistoire.

189. Ibid.

190. Calvin on Matt. xviii. 6, 10.

191. Cramer, Extraits des régistres du Consistoire.

192. Calvin to Myconius, March 14, 1542. — ‘Poteram quum veni magno plausu exagitare hostes nostros, et plenis velis invehi in totam illam nationem quæ nos læserat.’ — Opp. xi. p. 378.

193. Jac. Bernard, H. de la Mare, Aimé Champereau. — Opp. xi. p. 364.

194. ‘Nostra mansuetudine et patientia efficimus.’ — Opp. xi. p. 378.

195. ‘Quam placido humanoque ingenio sit Viretus.’ — Ibid.

196. ‘Machen dadurch auf den Leser einen oft geradezu unangenehmen Eindruck.’ — Kampschulte, J. Calvin, i. p. 390. It is this same historian who does justice to Calvin as above mentioned; and it may be said that the passage in which the sentence occurs makes the most agreeable impression of any in his book.

197. ‘Meine Milde und Geduld,’ Kampschulte makes Calvin say, as if he were referring to himself alone. It is no doubt an oversight on the part of the historian.

198. To Bucer, Letter of October 15, 1541. To Myconius, Letter of March 14, 1542. — Opp. xi. pp. 299, 377.

199. Letter to Myconius of April 17, 1542. — Calv. Opp. xi. p. 384.

200. Genève ecclésiastique, ou Livre des spectables pasteurs et professeurs, p. 6. Calvin to Viret, July 1542. — Opp. xi. p. 420. Vie française de Calvin, p. 54. Roget, Peuple de Genève, ii. pp. 40, 46.

201. Grenus, Fragments historiques, p. 8.

202. Calvin to Farel. — Opp. xi. p. 408.

203. ‘Vidi et manu tetigi salutare illud...’ — Calv. Opp. xi. p. 409.

204. ‘Novo prorsus spiritu tunc donatum.’ — Ibid.

205. Calvin to Viret, July, 1542. — Opp. xi. p. 420.

206. ‘Et spes in posterum amplius affulget si mihi reliquatur Viretus.’ — Calv. Opp. xi. pp. 322, 377.

207. Cramer, Extraits des régistres du Consistoire. Calvin on Matt. v. 9.

208. Ezek. iii. 9.

209. Works of Zwinglius, vi. pp. 340, 427.

210. Institution Chrétienne, book ii. ch. 3, 4.

211. We set forth several of these examples in a discourse delivered September 6, 1861, in the church of St. Peter, Geneva, at the general conferences of the Evangelical Alliance.

212. Dedication of the Commentary on the Epistle of Titus.

213. ‘Ne decem quidem maria ad eam rem trajicere pigeat.’ — Calv. Epp. to Cranmer; edit. 1575, p. 100.

214. ‘Quanquam nee parentum rusticorum quippe conditio, nec rei familiaris inopia permitterent ut ad literarum studia applicaret animum.’ — Gerdesius, Annales Reformationis, iii. p. 355.

215. ‘In studia propensionem ab infantia vehementem.’ — Ibid.

216. Bröndlund, Memoria J. Tausani. Munter, Kirchengeschichte von Dänemark, i. p. 73.

217. ‘Adiret universitatem excepta sola atque unica Witebergensi.’ — Gerdesius, Annal. Reform, iii. p. 356. Munter, iii. p. 74.

218. ‘Nugarum et ineptiarum.’ — Ibid.

219. Gerdesius, Annales Reformationis, iii. p. 356. Munter, iii. p. 74.

220. Olivarus, Hist. de Vita P. Eliæ carmel. — Gerdesius, Ann., iii. p. 329.

221. Gamst, De Petro Parvo Rosæfontano. He was called in Danish, instead of Parvus, Litle, which was converted into Lille, the name by which he is best known. — Gerdesius, Ann., iii. p. 341.

222. See the documents collected by Gram, Om Kong Christiern den Anderns forehafte Reformation. Mallet, Hist. du Danemark, tom. iii.

223. Suaningius, Christianus II. Mallet, Hist. du Danemark, vol. iii. Raumer, Geschichte Europas, ii. p. 100.

224. Pontoppidan, Kirchenhist. book vi. ch 3. Munter, iii. p. 12.

225. [On the author’s manuscript appears this note: ‘Add some details from the documents.’ This intention was not carried out. The details are wanting. — Editor.]

226. Suaningius, Vita Christierni II. Gerdesius, Ann., iii. p. 342.

227. ‘Ex jussu principis vocatus huc venit.’ — Matriculation-Book of the Faculty of Theology of Copenhagen.

228. Scultetus, Hist. Litt. Reform. i. p. 33.

229. ‘Ut ludibrio sannisque exceptus fuerit.‘ — Gerdesius, Ann., iii. p. 343.

230. ‘Omnibus conviviis et symposiis adhibitus, de rebus levissimis ridiculisque conciones habuit... ita ut Martinum ipsum adesse vulgo esset persuasum.’ — Huitfeld, Chron. Dan. ii. p. 1152. Suaningius, Vita Christierni II.

231. Documents of Gram, p. 2. Resen, Lutherus triumphans, ad an. 1521.

232. ‘Rex Daniæ etiam persequitur Papistas, mandato dato universitati suæ ne mea damnarent.’ — Luther, Epp. i. p. 570. (De Wette.)

233. ‘Archiepiscopum vero equitantem viginti juvenes cum equis prosequantur.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 347.

234. Schlegel, Geschichte der oldemb. Könige in Dänemark, i. p. 107. Munter, Kirchengeschichte, iii. p. 48.

235. Suaningius, Christianus II.

236. ‘Mense Octobri inscriptus est in matriculam academiæ ad theologicæ facultatis professionem.’ — Resen, Lutherus triumphans, ad an. 521. Gerdesius, Ann., iii. p. 356.

237. Munter, Kirchengeschichte, p. 79. Mallet, iii. p. 420.

238. Munter, Kirchengeschichte, iii. p. 82. Raumer, ii. p. 116. Mallet, iii. p. 595.

239. Raumer, Geschichte Europas, ii. p. 142.

240. ‘Christiernus Lutherum diu concionantem audit.’ — Scultetus, Ann. i. p. 52.

241. Munter, Kirchengeschichte, iii. p. 84.

242. Spalatin, Leben Friedrichs des Weisen, p. 137.

243. ‘Magna fide excessit accepta cœna Domini.’ — Luther, Opp. ii. p. 93. (De Wette.)

244. Seckendorf, Hist. des Lutherthums, pp. 600, 722.

245. Schlegel, Geschichte des Oldenburgischen Stammes, i. p. 53.

246. ‘Ut doctrina evangelica per Lutheri quosdam discipulos Cimbrorum animis instillaretur indulserat.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 353.

247. Munter, Kirchengeschichte von Dänemark und Norwegen, iii. pp. 101, 145.

248. ‘Propriæ virtutis vestræ memores qua Lutheranam hæresin ferro et gladio persequendam semper duxistis.’ — Raynaldi, Ann. 1525, No. 29. Munter, Kirchengeschichte, iii. p. 115.

249. Munter, Kirchengeschichte, iii. p. 592.

250. Munter, Kirchengeschichte, iii. p. 565.

251. Michelsen’s Preface. See Henderson’s ‘Dissertation on Mikkelsen’s Translation.’ Dänische Bibliothek, i. p. 120. Munter, Kirchengeschichte, iii. pp. 128-144. Gerdesius, Annales Reformationis, iii. pp. 356-362.

252. Olivarii Vita Pauli Eliæ, p. 169. Munter, iii. p. 142.

253. Munter, iii. pp. 560, 585, 599.

254. A: M. Mallet, Histoire de Danemark, iv. p. 27. Munter, Kirchengeschicte, iii., p. 169. Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 360.

255. ‘Quantum huc usque a vera salutis via deflexerant monstrando.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 357.

256. ‘Virium humanarum defectum, omniumque bonorum operum indigentiam monstrans.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. p. 357.

257. ‘Occæcatos pontificia superstitione superiores totos in se armaret’ — Ibid. and Dan. Bibl., i. p. 5.

258. Luther, Opp. xxii. (Walch) von der Beruf, p. 2378 et seq.

259. Gerdesius, iii. p. 358.

260. Schlegel, Geschichte des Oldenburgischen Stammes, i. p. 148. Munter, iii. p. 101.

261. Munter, iii. p. 161.

262. Gerdesius, iii. Monum., p. 202.

263. Munter, Kirchengeschichte, iii. p. 171. Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 354.

264. Gerdesius (iii. p. 626) calls him — Nicolaus Martini cognomine Tondebinder; and says in a note — Claus Martensen dictus Vascularius.

265. Munter, iii. p. 190.

266. Munter, iii. p. 191.

267. Danske Magazin, ch. iii. p. 236, et seq. Munter, Kirchengeschichte, iii. p. 222.

268. Gerdesius, iii. p. 411. Munter, iii. p. 503.

269. Rabbek, De ecclesiæ Danicæ hymnariis.

270. ‘Latronum speluncam, desperatorum et apostatarum asylum.’ — Schibbyische Chronik. Munter, iii. pp. 226, 255.

271. Danske Magazin, v. pp. 289, 312.

272. Gerdesius, iii. Monum. pp. 204, 206. Pontoppidanus, Ann. Eccles. Dan. ii. pp. 808, 817. Munter, iii. p. 195.

273. ‘Nisi ut spectetur non hominum sed Christi negotium.’ — Erasmi, Epp. 1. xix. Munter, iii. p. 196.

274. ‘Religionem tam Lutheranam quam Pontificiam libere permittendam esse.’ — Pontoppidanus, Reform. p. 172. Gerdesius, iii. p. 364.

275. Tertullian adds, ‘Religio sponte suscipi debet.’

276. ‘Manibus pedibusque agebant.’ — Gerdesius, iii. p. 364.

277. Munter, Reformationgeschichte, iii. p. 205.

278. Pontoppidanus, Reform. p. 175. Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 365.

279. Munter, iii. pp. 209, 211.

280. Munter, iii. p. 230.

281. Historia ejectionis monachorum e Dania, in Pontoppidanus, Ann. ii. p. 821.

282. ‘Her haffive.. Klawemaal. En rett christelig Fadzon, &c. — Wiborg, 1528. Munter, iii. p. 233.

283. Munter, iii. p. 250.

284. Munter, iii. pp. 255, 256, 273.

285. ‘Si quidem religio vera debuerit esse antiquissima.’ — Gerdesius, iii. p. 372.

286. ‘Veritatis antehac obscuratæ atque detectæ majori cum perspicuitate, soliditate et eloquentia inculcarentur.’ — Gerdesius, iii. p. 372.

287. G. Sadolin’s Bericht vom Reichstage in Kopenhagen, 1530.

288. ‘At vero hi erant ante victoriam triumphi.’ — Gerdesius, iii. p. 375.

289. ‘Aristotelicos doctores, magistros et monachos.’ — Ibid. p. 376. Danske Magazin, i. p. 94.

290. Munter, iii. p. 297. Gerdesius, vi. p. 376.

291. Munter, iii. p. 299.

292. ‘Nullis interpretationibus, additamentis et commentis humanis corrupta.’ The confession of faith was drawn up in Danish, but we quote from the Latin translation made in the seventeenth century by Pontanus. This document appears to us too important to be entirely omitted. — Gerdesius, iii. Monum. p. 247. Munter, iii. p. 308.

293. The fourth article relates to the Trinity; the fifth to the incarnation and birth of the Son of God.

294. ‘Debiti solutionem, expiationem et satisfactionem pro peccatis nostris omnibus.’

295. ‘Maledicit iis quibus Deus benedicit, rejicit eos quos Deus recipit.’

296. ‘Diaboli dogma est.’

297. ‘In quâ ejus corpus editur ac sanguis ejus potatur in certum pignus.’

298. ‘Veri episcopi sive presbyteri, quæ voces sunt prorsus synonymæ.’ — (Art. 36.)

299. Woldike, Confessio Hafniensis.

300. Muhlius, De Reformatione in Cimbria, p. 140. Gerdesius, iii. Monumenta, p. 232.

301. ‘Hominem liberum arbitrium non habere, et ea quæ in mundo fiunt ita fieri ut aliter fieri non possint.’ — Gerdesius, iii. Monum. p. 232.

302. Apologia concionatorum Evangelicorum. — Ibid. p. 234.

303. The reference is doubtless to pagan Russians, Mongols, &c. — Munter, iii. p. 325.

304. ‘Sacrilego principe non solum connivente, verum etiam instigante..... debacchati
sunt concionatores Lutherani.’ — Chron.
Schibbyens. Munter, iii. p. 330.

305. Danske Magazin, i. p. 94.

306. Munter, Kirchengeschichte, iii. p. 332.

307. Calvin.

308. ‘Stupidis, indoctis et profanis... qui fabulas hominum inventiones, monachorum somnia et hypocriticas anilesque nugas et gerras populo Christiano pro more papistarum proponunt.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 383.

309. ‘Aber von dem was einige von ihnen selbst sind, davon sprechen wir jetzt nicht.’ — Munter, Kirchengeschichte, iii. p. 334.

310. Danske Magazin, i. p. 95.

311. Misopogon, p. 363.

312. Munter, iii. p. 336.

313. ‘Et quantis in tenebris hactenus delituissent perspicerent.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 386.

314. Munter, iii. pp. 355, 364.

315. Jacobi, Historia ejectionis monachorum. MS. quoted in Munter, iii. 357.

316. Munter, iii. pp. 369-370.

317. Raynald, ann. 1530, No. 58. Munter, iii. p. 86. Raumer, ii. p. 144.

318. ‘Adverso numine et certantibus contra ventis.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 390.

319. Geijer, Schwedensgeschichte, ii. p. 81.

320. Opzlo, the former capital of Norway, burnt in 1624, forms at this day the most ancient part of Christiania.

321. Raumer, ii. p. 146. Mallet, vi. p. 116.

322. ‘Epist. Christ. II. ad Regem Fredericum.’ — Huitfeld, Dänische Chronik, p. 1378.

323. Schybbiense Chronicon, p. 589. Holberg, ii. p. 261. Mallet, vi. p. 117, &c.

324. Geijer, Geschichte Schwedens, ii. p. 82.

325. Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 390. Mallet, Histoire du Danemark, vi. p. 125. Schlegel, p. 133.

326. Luther, Epp. iv. p. 403 (de Wette).

327. ‘Lugentibus omnibus bonis qui gravissimam in morte regis optimi jacturam faciebant.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 391. Huitfeld, Dän.-Chronik, p. 1393.

328. Charles Frederick, duke of Holstein-Gottorp, married Anna Petrowna, daughter of Peter the Great, and her son, Charles Peter Ulric, was chosen by the empress Elizabeth, his aunt, to succeed her. He ascended the throne in 1762, under the name of Peter III., and had for his wife the famous Catherine II. The emperors descended from this prince are Paul I., Alexander I., Nicholas I., and Alexander II.

329. The author appears to have written deux ans, but owing to the rather hieroglyphic character of his handwriting, we can almost as well read dix as deux. Raumer (ii. p. 148) says: — ‘Johann erst zwölf jahre alt,’ child of twelve years: but this must be a mistake, because Frederick reigned from 1523 to 1533, and John was born after the accession of his father. See also p. 199 infra. (Editor.)

330. ‘Ut religio evangelica.. opprimeretur et vetus illa restitueretur sacrorum pontificiorum ratio.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 391.

331. ‘Invecti graviter in ministros novæ religionis.’ — Ibid. p. 392.

332. ‘Ita enim eviluisse antistitum auctoritatem.’ — Ibid. p. 393.

333. ‘Aliisque pœnis atrocioribus in pervicaces animadvertendum.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 393.

334. ‘Magnitudine periculi vehementer sunt turbati.’ — Ibid.

335. ‘Partam ei libertatem rege volente, non nisi rege in contrarium sciscente puto eripi posse.’ — Ibid. p. 394.

336. ‘Multa antistitum astu erant interpolata.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 394. Munter, Kirchengeschichte, iv. p. 394. Pontoppidan, p. 263.

337. Danske Magazin, iii. p. 106. Munter, Kirchengeschichte, iv. p. 399. Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 395.

338. ‘Cum Taussanus in pontificiorum oculis sudes esset,’ &c. — Ibid.

339. ‘At senatores et reliqui magistratus plebeii Taussani apud antistites supplicium deprecantur.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. ii. p. 397.

340. ‘Plebs forum tumultu ac clamoribus implet; indignari enim et fremere.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 397.

341. ‘Audiebantur voces restitui Taussanum flagitantium.’ — Ibid.

342. ‘Irent igitur pacati domum, et res suas agerent.’ — Ibid., p. 398.

343. ‘Inclamant exhibendum Taussanum aut se fores molituros.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 398.

344. ‘Taussani mansuetudo turbidos compescuit.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 398.

345. Huitfield, Dän. Chronik, ii. p. 1402 et seq. Munter, Kirchengeschichte, iii. p. 406 et seq. Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 398.

346. ‘Edita amissionem vitæ et bonorum profitentibus Lutheri doctrinam denunciantia.’ (Chytræi Saxonia, lib. xiv. p. 362; Munter, Kirchengeschicte, iii. p. 408.)

347. Munter, Kirchengeschichte, iii. p. 411.

348. Munter, Kirchengeschichte, iii. pp. 414, 415, 429; Gerdesius, Ann. ii. p. 400.

349. Expostulatio adversus exilii sententiam. — Dialogus missæ papisticæ extremum spiritum trahentis. — De vigiliis superstitiosis. — Centum et septuaginta quæstiones, &c. &c. — Munter, Kirchengeschichte, iii. p. 431.

350. Dänske Magazin, iii. p. 72. Mallet, Hist. de Danemark, iv. p. 201. Munter, Kirchengeschichte, iii. p. 435.

351. Hamelman, Oldenburgische Chronik, p. 327. Mallet, Hist. de Danemark, iv. p. 201.

352. ‘Qui non regem se populo obtrudere volebat, quin potius ab ipso populo ad regnum advocari cupiebat.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 401.

353. Gerdesius, Ann. Mallet, Hist. &c.

354. Geijer, Geschichte Schweden, ii. p. 87.

355. The white bâton distinguished those who were pardoned from those who surrendered at discretion. In the Histoire Universelle of Théodore Agrippa d’Aubigné, iii. p. 35, we read, on occasion of a victory of Lesdiguières: — ‘Les soldats de Gascogne rendus au baston blanc, ceux de pays à discretion.’

356. This war is called in Denmark ‘die Grafenfehde,’ war of the Count; and this name has become a proverbial expression to designate a great calamity.

357. Rerum Danicarum Scriptores, pp. 65-75. Hamelman, Oldenburgische Chronik, pp. 327-340. Mallet, iv. pp. 242, 323. Histoire Universelle of Théodore Agrippa d’Aubigné.

358. Job xii. 19.

359. ‘Super laquearia in fœdum latibulum conscenderat.’ — Gerdesius,
Ann. iii. p. 405. ‘Auf einem Balken unter seinem Dache.’ — Munter,
Kirchengeschichte, iii. p. 449.

360. ‘Antistes Arusiensis (Ove Bilde, the bishop of Aarhuus) castellum Silkeburgicum dedi non patiebatur, quantum vis acriter Rantzovius id oppugnaret, sed per Johannem Stugium contra vim defendebat.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. pp. 404-406, where these several arrests are narrated.

361. ‘Cum nobilitate cives ex plebe urbana æque atque ru tica delecti convocabantur.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 406.

362. ‘Ipse exoptasset se in diabolum transformari,’ &c. — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 407. Munter, Kirchengeschichte, iii. p. 456.

363. ‘Dissentientes nedum ut vi contra conscientiam adigantur... reddituros ipsos Deo fidei rationem.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 407.

364. See vol. v. p. 413. The assembly of May 21, at Geneva.

365. Nye, Danske Magazin, i. 240; in Munter, Kirchengeschichte, iii. p. 458.

366. ‘Regem coronavit et reginam quasi verus episcopus.’ — Luther, Epp. v. p. 87. De Wette.

367. ‘Taussanus constitutus est episcopus Ripensis, præsente Rege et sex reliquis episcopis.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 412.

368. ‘Ordinatio ecclesiastica,’ &c. — Hafniæ, 1537. Chytræi, Saxonia, xv. p. 379. Grammius, Additam. ad historiam Cragii, ii. p. 29.

369. Descriptio Norvegiæ, p. 34.

370. Munter, Kirchengeschichte, iii. p. 515, seq.

371. Vol. III. (First Series), book x. chap. vi., and this volume.

372. Finni Johannæi, H. E. Islandiæ, ii. p. 491, seq.

373. Munter, Kirchengeschichte, iii. p. 533.

374. Danske Magazin, iii. p. 242. Munter, Kirchengeschichte, iii. p. 534.

375. Munter, Kirchengeschichte, iii. pp. 542, seq.

376. This psychology of nations is expounded in M. de Rougemont’s Précis d’ethnographie de statistique et de géographie historique.

377. Schinmeier, Lebensbeschreibungen der dreien Schwedischen Reformatoren, p. 26.

378. Maltebrun.

379. Schinmeier, Lebensbeschreibungen der dreien Schwedischen Reformatoren, pp. 26, 32. Reuterdahl, History of the Church of Sweden (in Swedish), 1866. Anjou, Histoire de la Réformation de Suède, 1850. We regret that we could only partially avail ourselves, in the progress of our labors, of the information contained in the last two works, both of them of considerable importance.

380. Scheffer, De Memorabilibus Suecicæ gentis, p. 159.

381. Prophéties merveilleuses de sainte Brigitte, Lyon, 1536.

382. Reuterdahl, Schinmeier, Anjou, Schroeckh, Theol. Encyclopädie.

383. ‘Evangelicæ doctrinæ semina per varios mercatores Germanos jam instillata.’ — Gerdesius, Annal. Reform. iii. p. 285.

384. ‘Stultos quosdam senes.. ut malint barbariem perpetuam regnare.’... — Eliæ epistola ad Petrum canonicum.

385. Reuterdahl, History of the Church of Sweden, iv. p. 172.

386. Ziegler’s Erzählung in Freh. Scr. iii. p. 149. Schinmeier, Lebensbeschreibung, p. 30.

387. Contentionem scholasticam, magno sæpe cum impetu agitatam.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii p. 286.

388. Schinmeier, Die drei Reformatoren, pp. 31, 32.

389. Schinmeier, pp. 32, 33.

390. Celsius, Geschichte Gustavs des Ersten, i. p. 208. Schinmeier, pp. 33, 34.

391. Geijer, Geschichte Schwedens, ii. pp. 4, 5.

392. Geijer, Geschichte Schwedens, ii. pp. 4, 5. Schlegel, p. 105.

393. Clem. Rensel’s Bericht. Geijer, Geschichte Schwedens, ii. p. 9.

394. Clem. Rensel’s Bericht. Geijer, Geschichte Schwedens, ii. p. 13. Raumer, ii. p. 120.

395. Skibyense Chron. p. 570. Olai Chronica, p. 348.

396. This building, by ordinance of April 26, 1668, was consecrated as a royal monument.

397. This house has been preserved, with some figures representing Gustavus and other persons, and is shown to strangers.

398. Geijer, Geschichte Schwedens, ii. p. 13.

399. Near the church of Mora is shown the spot where Gustavus addressed the people.

400. Geijer, Geschichte Schwedens, ii. pp. 15-17.

401. Von Troil, Verhandlung zur Reformations-Geschichte Schwedens, iv. p. 356.

402. Celsius, Leben Gustavs, i. p. 139.

403. ‘Veritatis luce ac radiis tactus.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 287.

404. ‘Præsertim contra decreta S. Romani ecclesiæ.’ — Brask to the Bishop of Skara, 12th July, 1523.

405. ‘Ut status modernæ ecclesiæ reducatur ad mendicitatem et statum ecclesiæ primitivæ.’ — Ibid.

406. ‘Pullulare incipit hæresis illa Lutherana.’ — Brask to the Bishop of Skara, 12th July, 1523.

407. Spegel, Schriftliche Beweise, 16 August, 1540.

408. ‘Palam id prodere velle, res periculo plenissima.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 287.

409. Raynal, Anecdotes de l’Europe.

410. Schinmeier, Lebensbeschreibung, p. 40.

411. Geijer, Geschichte Schwedens, ii. p. 43.

412. Schinmeier, Lebensbeschreibungen, pp. 42, 43.

413. Schinmeier, Lebensbeschreibungen, pp. 43, 44, 45.

414. ‘Ein junger Mensch, der darüber frohlockte, war vom Pöbel zerrissen.’ — Schinmeier, Lebensbeschreibungen, p. 49.

415. ‘Ejecerant organa musica, statuas et imagines,’ &c. — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 289.

416. ‘Quum id occasionem præberet sacrificulis magnam excitandi tempestatem,’ &c. — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 290.

417. Geijer, Geschichte Schwedens, ii. p. 54.

418. ‘Thierischen Ausschweifungen.‘ — Schinmeier, p. 56. ‘Scortis multifariis.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 291.

419. Een liten Underwisning om Ecktenskapet. — Stockholm, 1528.

420. ‘Quippe quum Novi Testamenti Scripta omnium manibus tererentur.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 291.

421. ‘Inviti aggrediebantur.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 292.

422. ‘Die Klerisey erschrak.’ — Schinmeier, Lebensbeschreibung, p. 57.

423. ‘Weit prächtiger und überflüssiger als der König selbst.’ — Schinmeier, Lebensbeschreibung, p. 58.

424. ‘Gustav sprach, zu Pferde sitzend, auf einer der Upsala Hügel.’ — Geijer, Geschichte Schwedens, ii. p. 55.

425. ‘Unsere Gnaden trinken Eurer Gnaden zu.’ ‘Deine Gnaden und Unsere Gnaden haben nicht Raum unter einem Dache.’ — Geijer, iii. p. 55. Schinmeier, p. 60.

426. ‘Ut tempestatem in se intentam si pote amolirentur.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 292.

427. ‘Cum theologi consuessent eos omnes qui non in omnibus secum conspirarent statim hæreseos accusare.’ — Ibid. p. 293.

428. ‘Eo responso commotior factus archiepiscopus.’ — Ibid.

429. The Abbé Vertot, p. 61.

430. This disputation is handed down to us in the Acta Colloquii Upsaliensis habiti an. 1526. These Acts are to be found in the Monumenta or Appendix of vol. iii. of the Ann. of Gerdesius, pp. 153-181.

431. ‘In constitutionibus Patrum a S. Scriptura dissentientibus etiam nos discedimus ab illis.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. Appendix, p. 155.

432. ‘Utrum homo salvetur meritis suis an sola gratia Dei?‘ — Ibid. p. 167.

433. ‘Apparitiones indies novæ visuntur,’ &c. — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. Appendix, p. 173.

434. ‘Gaudens fallacibus novitatibus, tædio verbi Dei.’ — Ibid. p. 174.

435. ‘Ut religiosi lectores possent cognoscere utra pars veritatem detenderet.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 295. Raumer, ii. p. 125.

436. ‘Non laicis aut plebi.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 299.

437. ‘Romam mittere.. non convincendos, sed ferro et igne comburendos.’ — Ibid.

438. Schinmeier, Lebensbeschreibung, pp. 59, 60.

439. ‘Qui gladium et aratrum, bellum et pacem, mortem et vitam in æquo ponunt.’ — Joh. Magnus, Præfatio ad Historiam Gothicam, p. 11, in Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 304.

440. Geijer, Geschichte Schwedens, ii. p. 58.

441. Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 303. Seckendorf, Hist. Luther, p. 835.

442. Schinmeier, Lebensbeschreibungen, pp. 11-13.

443. ‘Sie entfärbten sich, zeigten ihre Bitterkeit im Gesichte,’ &c. — Schinmeier,
Lebensbeschreibungen, p. 69. Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 305.
Geijer, ii. p. 60.

444. ‘Omnibus suis exutos videri castellis et arcibus.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 306.

445. ‘Sich im Streite andrer Waffen als einer Wachkerze bedienen.’ — Geijer, ii. p. 62.

446. ‘Iisque qui alieni laboris fructu ad suas voluptates abutebantur.’ Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 307.

447. ‘Non sine quadam animi commotione.’ — Ibid. p. 308.

448. ‘Es möchte die Axt uns in Genick sitzen.’ — Geijer, ii. p. 64.

449. ‘In solche Bewegung sprach, dass ihm die Thränen aus den Augen stürzten.’ — Geijer, and Raumer, Geschichte Europas, ii. p. 131.

450. ‘Cum suis per integrum triduum convivari.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 309.

451. Geijer, ii. p. 65.

452. Geijer, ii. p. 65. Raumer, ii. p. 132.

453. ‘Es fehlte wenig dass die gemeinen Leute seine Füsse küssten.’ — Geijer, ii. p. 65.

454. Gerdesius, Ann., iii. pp. 311-313. Geijer, ii. pp. 66, 67.

455. ‘Introducentes in solium regni quandoque externos reges.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 313.

456. ‘Rex jam non clam sed palam se doctrinæ evangelicæ esse addictum profiteri.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 317.

457. Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 312. Raumer, ii. p. 133. Geijer, ii. p. 68. Schinmeier, p. 73.

458. Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 318. Schinmeier, p. 76.

459. ‘Ut de toto reformationis negotio plenius definiretur,’ &c. — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 319.

460. Rom. xv. 1.

461. Contra Latomum.

462. ‘Ut voluntas Dei in verbo ejus revelata patefiat auditoribus nostris.’ — Forma Reformationis in consilio Orebrogensi definita. This document is given in the Appendix to Gerdesius iii. p. 193.

463. ‘Id modeste et primo privatim agant.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 197.

464. ‘Ut inculcent in memoriam facta Christi qui pro nobis passus est et resurrexit.’ — Ibid. p. 197.

465. Vertot, Révolutions de Suède, ii.

466. ‘Quod solus sanguis Christi facit.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 196.

467. Geijer, Geschichte Schwedens, ii. p. 71. Schinmeier, p. 81.

468. Geijer, ii. p. 71.

469. Gerdesius, Ann. iii. pp. 320-323.

470. ‘Qui frater noster fieri voluit ut officium mediatoris præstaret.’ Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 323.

471. Schinmeier.

472. ‘Legimus quod is intellecta veritate evangelica confestim claustro fuerit egressus.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 324.

473. ‘Mutato habitu mores quoque mutaverint atque vitæ genus.’ — Ibid.

474. Schinmeier, Lebensbeschreibungen der drei Reformatoren, p. 39. Herzog, Ency., xiv. p. 76.

475. Schinmeier, Lebensbeschreibungen der drei Reformatoren, p. 39. Herzog, Ency., xiv. p. 76.

476. Geijer, Geschichte Schwedens, ii. p. 88.

477. ‘Gar zu geneigt seine Person und Regierung zu meistern.’ — Geijer, ii. p. 89.

478. ‘Daher nahmen seine Feinde, deren Anzahl am Hofe immer stärker ward, täglich Gelegenheit zu manchen Erdichtungen und Vergrösserungen, um ihn vollends verhasst zu machen.’ — Schinmeier, Lebensbeschreibungen der drei Reformatoren, p. 82.

479. Schinmeier, Lebensbeschreibungen, p. 101.

480. Schroeckh, Reform., ii. p. 52.

481. Messenias. He wrote in verses of very bad taste: — ‘Es war ein eifriger Katholik, und überdies noch sehr leichtgläubig.’ — Schinmeier, p. 20.

482. ‘In allen Acten dieser Zeit findet sich auch nicht ein Schatten davon.’ — Ibid. p. 81. Geijer, ii. p. 88.

483. ‘Uns aber setzet kein Ziel im Regiment und in der Religion.’ — Geijer, Geschichte Schwedens, ii. p. 91.

484. ‘Dignus omnino pedagogus regii filii.’ — Luther, Epp. v. p. 179. De Wette.

485. ‘Per totum regnum, in ecclesiis præsertim cathedralibus, scholæ instituantur.’ — Luther, Epp. v. p. 179.

486. ‘Precor Christum ut per hos multum fructum faciat Christus ipse, qui eos per majestatem tuam vocat et ordinat. Benedicat Pater.. omnibus consiliis et operibus regiæ tuæ majestatis.’ — Luther, Epp. v. p. 179.

487. Raumer, Geschichte Europas, ii. pp. 137-141. Geijer. Gerdesius.

488. Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 326.

489. ‘Doch ständen Zeiten bevor, wo Schwedens Kinder gern ihn aus der Erde scharren würden, wenn sie könnten.’ — Geijer, Geschichte Schwedens, ii. p. 144.

490. Geijer, ii. p. 146.

491. Catherine, daughter of Magnus, duke of Saxe-Lauenburg, died in 1535. Erick was born December 13, 1533. — Ibid. ii. p. 94.

492. Geijer, ii. p. 136.

493. Geijer, ii. p. 138.

494. ‘Præter insignem artium liberalium et præsertim matheseos ac linguarum exoticarum cognitionem.’ — Messenius, Scondia, vi. Geijer, ii. p. 149.

495. ‘Omnes ii qui manducant Christi carnem et bibunt ejus sanguinem vivent in æternum.’ — Baazius, Inventarium ecclesiæ Sueo-Gothorum, lib. iii. cap. 3, p. 295.

496. Baazius, Inventarium, lib. iii. cap. iv. p. 302. O. Celsius, History of Erick, ii. p. 29.

497. Geijer, Geschichte Schwedens, ii. p. 163.

498. ‘Er stürzte mit gezücktem Dolch in der Hand in das Gefängnisszimmer Nils Stures.’ — Geijer, Geschichte Schwedens, ii. p. 182.

499. ‘Dionysius Beurreus würde auf Befehl des Wahnsinnigen niedergestochen.’ — Geijer, Geschichte Schwedens, ii. p. 184.

500. ‘Er rief dass er nicht König wäre.’ — Geijer, Geschichte Schwedens, ii. p. 184.

501. Geijer, ii. p. 193.

502. Schinmeier, Die drei Reformatoren in Schweden, p. 157.

503. ‘Nam mundus est satis amplus ut odia inter fratres distantia locorum et regionum bene possint sedari.’ — Ericus ad Johannem. Geijer, ii. p. 194.

504. ‘Sacerdotium et sacrificium.’ — S. Hosii Opera, ii p. 338.

505. ‘Insinuat se Pater in amicitiam Germanorum; hi enim faciles sunt.’ — (Feyt, De statu religionis in regno.) Geijer, ii. p. 221.

506. ‘Promptitudinem latini sermonis et elegantiam mirantur, operam omnem promittunt.’ — Geijer, ii. p. 221.

507. ‘Insinuat se in familiaritatem aliquorum, nunc hunc, nunc illum, dante Deo, ad fidem occulte reducit.’ — Ibid.

508. Geijer, ii. p. 217.

509. Geijer, Geschichte Schwedens, pp. 220, 225, 273. Messenius, Scondia. Baazius, &c.

510. See these letters in the work of Baazius, lib. iii. cap. x. pp. 334-358, 346-351-365.

511. ‘Ego nihil magis in votis habuerim quam ut si quis adhuc in V.M. animo scrupulus resideret, eum, D. j., eximere possem.’

512. Geijer, ii. p. 224.

513. ‘Mit Gewalt auf sein Bett legen, und ihn mit Polstern oder grossen Kissen ersticken.’ — (Letter of January 19, 1577). Geijer, ii. pp. 196, 199.

514. ‘Toxicum ignarus in pisonum, ut fertur, jusculo præbitum absorbsit, indeque miseram efflavit animam.’ — Messenius, Scondia, vii. p. 48.

515. Geijer, ii. p. 204.

516. Representations made by exiles from the kingdom of Sweden to Henry III. to obtain justice for the assassination committed in the person of Erick, king of Sweden. — Bibl. Roy. M.S.

517. His life, written by Dorigni, was published at Paris in 1712. — Vie du père A. Possevin, &c.

518. Messenius, Scondia, vii. p. 41; xv. p. 157; iii. p. 60.

519. Geijer, Geschichte Schwedens, ii. p. 241.

520. Geijer, Geschichte Schwedens, ii. pp. 226, 272, 338.

521. Nicolai Bothniensis relation om Upsala concilio. — Geijer, ii. p. 272.

522. Spalatinus, Relatio de Comitiis August. 1530.

523. Archiep. Strigon. comp. dat. Tyrnaviæ, p. 96.

524. Geschichte der Evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, mit einer Einleitung von Merle d’Aubigné, p. 35. Berlin, 1854.

525. ‘Incredibilem in multis accendit ardorem ad videndum Lutherum.’ — Scultetus, Annal. Ev. rinovati, p. 51.

526. ‘Ex publicis academiæ matriculis constat.’ — Ibid.

527. Geschichte der Evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, p. 41.

528. Saint-Martin.

529. Paul Janet.

530. Seckendorf, Hist. des Lutherth., p. 603. Geschichte der Evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, p. 45.

531. Geschichte der Evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, p. 42.

532. Geschichte der Evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, p. 42.

533. 2 Kings xviii. 27.

534. ‘Pœna capitis et ablatione omnium bonorum suorum punire dignetur.’ — Hist. Diplomatica, p. 3.

535. ‘Jam pridem ediximus ne quis in hoc regno nostro sectam illam auderet amplecti aut approbare.’ This ordinance, hitherto unpublished, may be found in the Hungarian journal Magyar, p. 524 — Figyelmezo, Debreczin, 1871.

536. Geschichte der Evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, p. 44.

537. Haner, Hist. eccles. Transylvaniæ, pp. 147-178.

538. ‘Juvenis bonitate abutebatur.’ — Scultetus, Annales, p. 62.

539. Baronius, Annales, anno 1525.

540. ‘Georgium quemdam bibliopolam una cum libris evangelicis exusserunt.’ — Scultetus, Annales, p. 62. Luther, Epistolæ.

541. Historia Critica Ungariæ, xix. p. 89.

542. ‘Sarei contento che quel regno si perdesse,’ &c. — Relazione del Signor d’Orio, Dec. 1523. Ranke, Deutsch. Geschichte, ii. p. 407.

543. Geschichte der Evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, p. 45. Broderichus, Clades Mohacziana, apud Schardium, p. 558. Ranke, ii. p. 409.

544. Geschichte der Evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, p. 47.

545. ‘Wobei Tödtenblässe sein Angesicht überzog,’ &c. — Geschichte der Evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, p. 47.

546. Geschichte der Evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, p. 48.

547. These sentences are taken from Luther’s Commentary on Psalms xxxvii., lxii., xciv., and cix. See the Letter and the Commentary, Luther, Opp. Leipsic, vol. v. pp. 609-640.

548.

‘Herr Jesu Christ,
Du wirst mir stehn zur Seiten,
Und sehen auf das Unglück mein,
Als wäre es dein,
Wenn’s wider mich wird streiten.’

Bunsen, Evang. Gesangund Gebet-Buch, p. 290. Rambach, Anthologie, ii. p. 78. (Rambach supposes the hymn to have been composed for the queen by Luther at the same time as the exposition of the four psalms. — Editor.)

549. Matricula Plebanorum, xxiv. p. 463. Geschichte der Evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, p. 51.

550. See First Series, vol. iv. book xiii. chap. ix.

551. Ferdinand’s Mandat. Luther, Opp. xix. p. 596. Geschichte der Evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, pp. 51-53.

552. ‘Pulsi de regnis Ferdinandi, pauperem Christum in paupertate imitantur.’ — Luther, Epp. iii. p. 289.

553. ‘Tu vero vir esto fortis, ora et pugna in spiritu et verbo adversum ipsum.’ — Ibid.

554. Geschichte der Evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, pp. 55, 56. Herzog, Ency. xvi. p. 641.

555. Hanner, Hist. Eccles. p. 199. Geschichte der Evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, p. 59. Timon, Epit Chronol. p. 118.

556. It had been voted on the 27th August, 1526, that while awaiting a national council, each state should act in religious matters so as to be responsible to God and to the emperor.

557. De sanctorum dormitione.

558. ‘Propositiones erroneæ Matthiæ Devay, seu ut ille vocat rudimenta salutis continentes,’ said his adversary, Dr. Szegedy (Vienna, 1535).

559. ‘Faber hortatur ut deficiam a causa habiturum me defectionis præmium.’ — Corp. Ref. i. p. 798.

560. ‘Iis solis sunt salutaria qui in fide spiritualiter et sacramentaliter hæc mysteria percipiunt.’ — Devay, Expositio examinis quomodo a Fabro in carcere sit examinatus. Basel, 1537.

561. Revesz, in Herzog’s Encyclopædia, xix. p. 407.

562. Geschichte der Evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, p. 62.

563. ‘Intelligo te magno sumptu scholam constituere et optimarum artium studia excitare.’ — Melanchthon to Count Nadasdy, Corp. Ref. iii. p. 417.

564. Censuræ fratris Gregorii Zegedini, &c. Vien, bey Syngren, 1535.

565. Ribini, Memorabilia Aug. Conf. p. 38. Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, p. 64.

566. ‘Talis hospes, ut Homerus jubet, ἀντι κασιγνήτου esse debet.’ — Melanchthon Vito Theodoro. Corp. Ref. iii. p. 416.

567. Em. Revesz., M. B. Devay und die ungarische reformirte Kirche. Herzog’s Ency. xix. p. 410.

568. ‘Olim Græci Herculem addiderunt Musis, earumque ducem vocabant.’ — Corp. Ref. iii. p. 418.

569. Luke v. 5.

570. Hispaniai vadaszag. This rare and remarkable book narrates the disputation in detail, perhaps giving it an emphasis in favor of the Reformation. See also Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, p. 66.

571. Dr. Burgovzky, Ungarn. Herzog, Ency. xvi p. 641.

572. ‘Sic nullum tandem haberemus articulum fidei, si judicio rationis nostræ æstimandum fuerit.’ — Ribini, Memorabilia, p. 44. Luther, Epp. Wittenberg, 4 Aug. 1539. — Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, p. 69.

573. Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, p. 70.

574. Revesz, in Herzog’s Ency. xix. p. 409.

575. Melanchthon, lib. ii. Epp. p. 339.

576. Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, p. 71.

577. Johannes Manilius in Collect. i.; De calamitate afflict. p. 139. Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, p. 72.

578. His book was entitled, Reform der Sächsischen Gemeinde in Siebenbürgen, 1547. Herzog, Ency. xiv. p. 344.

579. ‘Cum apud nos sit ipse adeo boni odoris.’ — Luther’s letter of 31st April, 1544.

580. ‘Certe non a nobis habet sacramentariorum doctrinam.’ — Ibid.

581. ‘Maxime autem invehitur in Devayum, quod ritus quosdam a suis valde diversos doceret exerceretque.’ — Timon, Epitome chronologica rerum Hungaricarum.

582. ‘Minden embernek illik ezt megtudni.’ — Herzog, Ency. xix. p. 410.

583. ‘Hic Calmanchehi spiritu erroris infectus, hæresi postea sacramentariorum magnam partem Ungariæ infecit.’ — Revesz, Devay und die Ungar. reform. Kirche. Herzog, Ency. xix. p. 411.

584. Ibid.

585. Analecta Scepus. part ii. p. 234. Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, p. 73.

586. Analecta Scepus. part ii. p. 234. Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, p. 73.

587. Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, p. 74.

588. ‘Tanta in homine fuerat pietas, gravitas et prudentia administrandæ rei ecclesiasticæ.’ — Ep. Michaelis Paxi, April 5, 1573, ad Simlerum.

589. ‘Ut magno illi Luthero ac sancto Melanchthoni in magnis rebus gerendis profuerit.’ — Ep. Michaelis Paxi, April 5, 1573.

590. ‘Ordinis in discendo et docendo ita amans, ut qui maxime.’ — Skarica, Vita Szegedini.

591. ‘Seine an den Volk... mit grosser Begeisterung gerichtete Predigten.’ — Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, p. 75.

592. ‘Id quod conciones ejus, et imprimis quæ in publicum evulgatæ sunt, sacra hypomnemata, luculentur testantur; quæque, ut ille de alio, canescent sæclis innumerabilibus.’ — Skarica, Vita Szegedini.

593. ‘Orthodoxæ veritatis in illis arianismo, mahometanismo, aliisque (ut de pontificiis nihil dicamus) sectis infestis regionibus propugnator acerrimus.’ — Skarica, Vita Szegedini.

594. ‘Secundus erat inter cos qui, me puero, corruptelam de Cœna emendarunt ac sustulerunt penitus.’ — Ep. Paxi ad Simler.

595. Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, p. 75.

596. Pascal. These words immediately refer to the struggle of Roman Catholicism against the Port-Royalists; but they are far more true with respect to the Reformation.

597. De Maistre.

598. Gieseler, Kirchengeschichte, iii. p. 465.

599. Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, p. 77.

600. Ribini, Memorabilia, p. 67. Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, pp. 75, 76. Guericke, Kirchengeschichte, iii. p. 239.

601. This is doubtless the Apology for the Confession. Schroeckh, Reform., ii. p. 734.

602. Ribini, Memorabilia, p. 66. Gebhardi, Geschichte des Reichs Ungarn.

603. In this place the author wrote on his manuscript as a direction to his amanuensis, ‘Leave one page blank.’ This lacuna was not filled up. — Editor.

604. ‘Vestem vulpina pelle subductam.’ — Skarica, Vita Szegedini. Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, p. 79.

605. Skarica, Vita Szegedini. Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, p. 80.

606. Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, p. 80.

607. Epist. Czigerii ad M. Flacium Illyricum, in Ribini, Memorabilia, i. p. 501.

608. Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Ungarn, pp. 81, 83. Ribini, Memorabilia, i. p. 78.

609. ‘Crassum quendam Satanam papisticum vehementer obstitisse.’ — Adalb. Wurmloch in Bistriz ad Joh. Hess in Breslau. (MS. cited in Gieseler, iii. p. 465.)

610. ‘Approbare evangelium, quod doceat unum colendum Deum reprobetque abusum imaginum quas Turcæ abominantur.’ — (MS. cited in Gieseler, iii. p. 465.)

611. ‘Mirum namque in modum evangelium gloriæ Dei sub istis bellicis tumultibus quam latissime vagatur.’ — Joh. Creslingus ad Ambrosium Moibanum. — (MS. in Gieseler, iii. p. 465.)

612. Luther, Werke, xix. p. 554. (Walch.)

613. Luther, Epp., ad Nic. Haussmannum.

614. Luther, Werke, xix. p. 1593. (Walch.)

615. Apologia veræ doctrinæ eorum qui appellantur Waldenses vel Picardi. (Zurich, 1532. Wittenberg, 1538.)

616. ‘Sed liberrimum vestrum sit et omnium judicium.’ — Luther, Epp. ii. p. 452.

617. Krasinski, Hist. relig. des peuples Slaves, p. 114.

618. Krasinski, Hist. relig. des peuples Slaves, pp. 115, 116.

619. Fischer, Reform in Polen, i. p. 44.

620. Schroeckh, Reform, ii. p. 671.

621. Heb. xiii. 2.

622. Hartknoch, Preussische Kirchenhistorie, p. 654.

623. See the Syllabus.

624. Hartknoch, Preussische Kirchenhistorie, pp. 565-568. Krasinski, Hist. relig. des peuples Slaves, chap, vi. p. 119.

625. ‘Mira quæ in Dantziko operatus est Christus.’ — Luther, Epp. ii. p. 642.

626. ‘Sed statim irem.’ — Luther, Epp. ii p. 642.

627. Luther to the Dantzic Council, May 5, 1525. — Epp. ii. p. 656.

628. 2 Cor. x. 4. Krasinski, Hist. relig. des Peuples Slaves, chap. vi. p. 120.

629. Krasinski, Hist. relig. des Peuples Slaves, vi. p. 121.

630. Friese, Kirchengeschichte Polens, ii. p. 64.

631. Luther to the Bishop of Samland, April, 1525. — Epp. ii. p. 449.

632. Luther to the Christians of Livonia, April, 1523. — Epp. ii. p. 374.

633. Krasinski, Hist. relig. des peuples Slaves, chap. xiv. p. 261.

634. The principal authorities for the life of Alasco are — J. a Lasco, Opera, Amsterdam, 1866, passim; Erasmus, Epistolæ; Bertram, Hist. Crit. Joh. a Lasco. Gerdesius, Annales. Krasinski, Hist. relig. des peuples Slaves, ch. vii. Bartels, Joh. a Lasko, &c.

635. ‘Lovanii, anno 1523, versatus est, atque cum Alberto Hardenbergio contraxit amicitiam,’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 146.

636. ‘Me per virum illum (Zwinglium) ad sacrarum literarum studia inductum esse.’ — Alasco, Opera, i. p. 338.

637. ‘Illum primum omnium.’ — Ibid.

638. ‘Divino beneficio.’ — Ibid.

639. ‘Ut missa superstitione pontificia ad Evangelium se converteret.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 146. It is difficult to fix accurately the times at which Alasco was in the various towns he visited. Gerdesius says that he was at Louvain in 1523. Bartels supposes that he passed to Zurich in the autumn of 1524. Alasco himself states, in his reply to Westphal, Opera, i. p. 338, that he was at Zurich ante annos quatuor et viginta. This work, printed at Basel by Oporin, bears date — Anno salutis 1560, mense Martio. This would fix the removal of Alasco to Zurich in the year 1526. A letter of Erasmus which we shall quote assigns Alasco’s stay at Basel, after Zurich, to 1525. This date seems most worthy to be relied on. Alasco may have been mistaken by a few months.

640. ‘Scio viro illi adscribi, de quibus nunquam videtur cogitasse, imo quorum contraria in ejus monumentis passim habentur,’ — Alasco, Opp. i. p. 338.

641. ‘Cum per Tiguram in Galliam iter facerem.’ — Ibid.

642. Gerdesius, after relating the visit to Zwinglius, says, ‘Deinceps vero Basileæ moratus.’ — Ann. iii. p. 146.

643. Krasinski, Hist. relig. des peuples Slaves, p. 132. English edition, p. 140. The French translation is by M. Gabriel Naville, who was too early taken from his friends. It is preceded by an introduction, written, at the request of the author and the translator, by the author of the History of the Reformation.

644. ‘Erasmus mihi auctor fuit ut animum ad sacra adjicerem; imo vero ille primus me in vera religione instituere cœpit’ — To Bullinger. Alasco, Opp. ii. p. 569.

645. ‘Glareanus,’ i.e. of Glaris. His personal name was Loriti.

646. De Geographia. Freyburg, 1529.

647. ‘Nunquam possum sine magna animi voluptate meminisse consuetudinis nostræ Basiliensis.’ — Alasco to C. Pellican. App. ii. p. 583.

648. ‘Moribus est plane niveis: nihil magis aureum aut gemmeum esse potest.’ — Erasmi Epp. xviii. 10.

649. ‘Joanne a Lasco, juvene citra arrogantiam erudito, citra supercilium, magno ac felici, sed moribus adeo candidis, amicis, jucundis, ut per ejus amabilem consuetudinem pæne repubuerim, alioqui jam morborum, laborum et obtrectatorum tædio marcescens.’ — Ibid. 13.

650. ‘Brevique summus futurus.’ (To Egnatius.) ‘Brevique ad res maximas evehendus.’ (To Lupsetus.) — Erasmi Epp. xvii. 11.

651. ‘Cum jussu regis ad magna negotia vocareris.’ — Erasmi Epp. xviii. 26.

652. Alasco, Opp. (To Pellicanus) ii. p. 583.

653. ‘Dum illustris a Lasco parat equos conscendere.’ — Erasmi Epp. xviii. 16.

654. ‘Tam nunc abitu discrucior.’ — Erasmi Epp. xviii. 15.

655. ‘Sudandum erat ut domum hanc tua magnificentia corruptam ad pristinam frugalitatem revocarem.’ — Ibid. 26.

656. ‘Hic ne musca quidem quæ peteret Venetiam.’ — Ibid. p. 26.

657. ‘Tempus illud misere mihi totum periit, in cursitationibus, bellicis tumultibus et fastu aulico, quod studiis alioquin meis impende e multo felicius potuissem.’ — Alasco, Opp. ii. p. 583.

658. ‘Affirmaret se nec duxisse uxorem nec doctrinæ Evangelii adhæsisse.’ — Alasco, Opp. ii. p. 548.

659. Sanctiones ecclesiasticæ. (Cracow, 1525.) Constitutiones synodorum, &c.

660. ‘Archiepiscopo Gnesnensi et episcopo Cracoviensi.’ — Ibid.

661. ‘Volentem et scientem.’ — Juramentum. Alasco, Opp. ii. p. 548.

662. ‘Quod si, ut sumus homines,’ &c. — Ibid.

663. ‘In omnibus licitis et honestis.’ — Ibid.

664. The text reads ad ea designatis. The author appears to have read it ab ea, sede being understood. — (Editor.)

665. Erasmi, Epp. xix. 26. Alasco appears to have had some thought of translating some of the works of Erasmus.

666. Ibid. xviii. 26.

667. Ibid. xix. 11. To Christopher de Schüdlovietz, chancellor of the kingdom.

668. Same letter.

669. ‘Curares ut quicquid novi post Hyperaspistem prodiit ab Erasmo vel Luthero, is consilio tuo mea pecunia emat.’ This letter of Alasco, dated November 17, 1526, is the earliest which has come down to us. — Opp. ii. p. 547.

670. Bartels, Johannes a Lasco, p. 8.

671. ‘Ut vel hoc uno amico mihi videar sat beatus.’ — Erasmi, Epp. xix. 5.

672. ‘Fieri non potest ut Christi regno exoriente alicubi Sathanas dormiat, cujus artes et furias,’ &c. — Alasco, Opp. ii. p. 555.

673. ‘Sed peculiari quodam malleo petras contundente præstandum sane esset.’ — Alasco, Opp. ii. p. 557.

674. ‘Si te multa simulare ac dissimulare cogat et tu illi obsequaris, estne hoc libere reprehendisse?‘ — Ibid.

675. ‘Cum is, anno 1536, nominatus jam esset in Hungaria Episcopus Vesprimensis.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 147.

676. ‘Sed bonus Deus me mihi rursum restituit atque ad veram sui cognitionem, e medio Pharisaismo demum mirabiliter evocavit, Illi gloria!‘ — Alasco, Opp. ii. p. 583. To Pellicanus.

677. Calv. Opp. v. p. 279.

678. Calvin.

679. ‘Jam sum hac scriptione fatigatus... cum hæc pauca toto hoc die ex intervallis vix etiamnum absolverim.’ — Alasco, Opp. ii. p. 553.

680. Alasco, Opp. ii. p. 552.

681. Bartels, John a Lasco, p. 12.

682. Alasco, Opp. ii. p. 556.

683. ‘Quæ tu de pudore, dolore, tristitia atque ea quæ, te perpetuo, ut scribis, excarnificat, miseria adfers.’ — Alasco to Hardenberg, Opp. ii. p. 556.

684. ‘Qui sabbathum in Christo suum sanctificat, non est cur apud homines turbetur.’ — Ibid.

685. The reference is doubtless to the host in the mass.

686. Alasco, Opp. ii. p. 588.

687. ‘Spem magni cujusdam episcopatus, si redirem.’ — Alasco, Opp. ii. p. 588.

688. ‘His jam respondi me nolle esse neque cornutum neque cucullatum apostolum.’ — Ibid.

689. ‘Desiderabatur ultima adhuc lima.’ — Gerdesius, iii. p. 148.

690. ‘Audis fulmina,’ &c. — Alasco, Opp. ii. 588.

691. ‘Adversus hæc me tutata est divina bonitas.’ — Ibid.

692. Bartels, Joh. a Lasco, p. 14.

693. ‘Expectanda nova fulmina ab Aula Brabantia; sed potentior est Deus.’ (Embden, August 31, 1544). — Ibid.

694. ‘.. Sed usque ad aras; hæc septa transilire non posse, etiam si deserenda sit omnium amicitia, atque adeo familia in summa inopia et mendicitate relinquenda.’ — Opp. ii. p. 560. According to the statement of Kuyper, he has reconstructed the letter from citations made oratione obliqua by Emmius, Hist. Fris. p. 919.

695. ‘Defensio veræ doctrinæ de Christi incarnatione adversus Mennonem Simonis.’ — Opp. i. pp. 5-60.

696. Bartels, Joh. a Lasco, p. 18.

697. ‘Huic sane debemus omnem Papæ et Mahumetis tyrannidem.’ — Alasco, Epp. Opp. ii. p. 567.

698. Wonderboek, 4to. 1542.

699. ‘In quo videlicet nec falli possis nec fallere.’ — Alasco, Opp. ii. p. 571.

700. Alasco, Opp. passim. Trechsel, Antitrinitarier, in Herzog i. pp. 30-35. Bartels, Joh. a Lasco, pp. 18-20. Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 116.

701. ‘Si dum in alios severi sumus, in vitiis interim ipsi nobis indulgeamus.’ — To Hardenberg, July 28, 1544. — Opp. ii. p. 574.

702. Alasco, Opp. ii. p. 575. Gutachten über die Stellung des Cœtus, Embden, 1857. Bartels, Joh. a Lasco, p. 22.

703. Alasco, Opp. ii. p. 586. To Bullinger, August 31, 1544.

704. ‘Ad eum, ut ad servatorem nostrum omnium ac patrem omnium longe optimum, omnium beneficentissimum longeque omnium indulgentissimum, decurramus.’ — Epitome Doctrinæ Ecclesiarum Phrisiæ Orientalis. — Opp. i. p. 493.

705. ‘Ut qui paulo frugalius velit vivere, mox pro sectario habeatur... In his culices, si Deo placet, persecuti sumus, et vespas interim et crabrones ipsos alimus: danda est corvis venia.’ The letter is written to Hermann Lenthius, councillor of the Countess Ann. — Alasco, Opp. ii. p. 597. September 6, 1545.

706. Alasco, Opp. ii. pp. 606, 607.

707. Alasco, Opp. ii. pp. 609, 617.

708. The first letter of Alasco to Calvin is dated from Windsor, December 14, 1548. Among the works of Alasco there are extant only four letters from the Polish reformer to the Genevese. These are of the years 1548, 1551, 1555 and 1557. But Alasco sent some books to Calvin. In the public library of Geneva are preserved two folio volumes, printed at Louvain in 1555, bearing this title: —

‘Explicatio articulorum venerandæ facultatis sacræ theologiæ Generalis Studii Lovaniensis.’ — The author of these volumes is Ruard Tapper of Enkhuizen. Below the title of the first volume are the following words, in an elegant handwriting: — ‘Viro sanctissimo, D. Jo. Calvin, Jo. a Lasco mittit.’

709. ‘Quo tuæ me insinuari benevolentiæ posse sperarem. A puero non alius mihi vehementior ad studia stimulus fuerit quam ut sic proficerem,’ &c. Erasmi Epp. lib. xx. Ep. 80.

710. ‘Meditare quibus rationibus laudem absque invidia tibi pares.’ — Ibid. Ep. 81.

711. Letter of the Duchess of Parma, written from Brussels, in the Correspondance de Philippe II., from the archives of Simancas, published by M. Gachard, archivist-general of the kingdom, vol. i. p. 318.

712. The informations laid against Viglius are to be found in the Correspondance de Philippe II., vol i. p. 319.

713. Moreri, art. Viglius.

714. ‘Urbes supra trecentas et quinquaginta censenter.’ — Strada, De Bello, i. p. 32.

715. Histoire de la Cause de la Désunion des Pays-Bas, by Messer Renom de France, chevalier, vol. i. chap. 5.

716. For fuller details on the forerunners of the Reformation in the Netherlands, see Hist. of the Reform. First series, vol. i. book i. ch. 6 and 8.

717. ‘Est Antverpiæ Prior, qui te unice deamat.’ — Erasmus to Luther, Epp. 427, in Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 18.

718. ‘Is omnium pæne solus Christum prædicat.’ — Ibid.

719. ‘Curavimus ne in nostra universitate liber publice venderetur.’ — Bulla damnatoria. Luther, Opp. Lat. i. p. 416.

720. ‘Asserentes hujus libri doctrinam vere esse Christianam.’ — Ibid.

721. ‘Miras excitarunt tragœdias.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 19.

722. ‘Nec adhuc vacavit hominis libros evolvere præter unam et alteram pagellam.’ — Erasmus, Epp. 317; in Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 17.

723. ‘Ego in quotidianis concionibus lapidor a prædicatoribus.’ — Erasmus, Epp. 234.

724. Luther, Opp. lat. i. p. 416. Löscher, iii. p. 850.

725. ‘Obtrectator pertinacissimus.’ — Erasmus, Epp. 562.

726. ‘Pro fide capitis subire periculum.’ — Erasmus, Epp. 562.

727. ‘Ite et prædicate sincere evangelium Christi sicut Lutherus.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 22. Seckendorf, lib. i. s. 81.

728. ‘Totus mundus plus credet multis doctis quam uni indocto.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 22. Seckendorf, lib. i. s. 81, p. 23.

729. ‘Unus homo Christianus surrexit in quadringentis annis, quem Papa vult occidere.’ — Ibid.

730. ‘Vocavit nos grues, asinos, bestias, stipites, anti-christos.’ — Erasmus, Epp. 314.

731. ‘Etiam si noctis concubuerint cum aliquo scorto.’ — Ibid.

732. ‘Ut malim parere Turcæ quam horum ferre tyrannidem.’ — Erasmus, Epp. App. p. 307.

733. ‘Ordonnantie en Statuten van Vlaenderen.’ — Deel, i. p. 88.

734. ‘Capite truncata, submersa, suspensa, defossa, exusta, aliisque mortis generibus extincta, ultra quinquaginta hominum millia.’ — Scultetus, Ann. p. 87.

735. ‘Aleander plane maniacus est, vir malus et stultus.’ — Erasmus, Epp. 317.

736. ‘Captivus ducitur Bruxellas, ubi mire divexatus, atque ignis supplicio gravissimo perterrefactus.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 23.

737. ‘Articulos ad abjurandos miserum Jacobum metu mortis cogere veriti non fuerunt.’ — Ibid. p. 24.

738. ‘Cum ipsi non credant.. animum superesse a morte corporis.’ — Erasmus, Epp. p. 587; in Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 24.

739. ‘Præsumitur jam exustus esse.’.. Luther, Epp. ii. pp. 76, 80. Ad Langium et ad Hausmannum. — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 25.

740. Luther, Epp. ii. p. 182.

741. Erasmus, Epp. 669; in Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 27.

742. Letter of Grapheus to the Archbishop of Palermo, chancellor of the court of Brabant. — Brandt, Hist. der Reformatie, i. p. 71.

743. ‘Profecisse atque ad altiora esse enisum.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 28.

744. We give only a portion of the remarkable theses of Henry of Zutphen. — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. App. p. 16.

745. ‘Sola quippe folia sunt ficus et occultamenta dedecoris quicquid unquam est ab hominibus morale consutum.’ — Ibid.

746. ‘Sicut sol excitat fœtorem cadaveris.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 16.

747. ‘Mortis rapina simul et laqueus. Captus in infero quem disrupit.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 16.

748. ‘Omnem movebat lapidem.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 29.

749. ‘Ab ejus ore pependerant.’ — Ibid. p. 30.

750. ‘Ex quo noctu fueram educendus et Bruxellas deducendus.’ — Henrici Epist. ad Jac. Spreng. Gerdesius, Ann. iii. App. p. 13.

751. ‘Vespere dum sol occubuisset.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. App. p. 13.

752. ‘Aliquot mulierum millia concurrentibus simul viris.’ — Ibid.
‘Credo te nosse quomodo mulieres vi Henricum liberarint.’ — Luther,
Epp. ii. p. 265.

753. First series, vol. iii. l. x. chap. vi.

754. ‘Monasterio expulsi fratres, alii aliis locis captivi.’ — Luther, Epp. ii. p. 265. De Wette.

755. ‘Monasterium illud solo plane esse æquatum.’ — Cochlæus. Gerdesius, Ann. iii p. 29.

756. First series, vol. iii. book x. chap. iv.

757. ‘Ut monte parturiente nascatur ridiculus mus.’ — Ep. Fr. Canirmii ad Hedionem, 1522.

758. ‘Tum demum ex improviso aderit ecclesiæ suæ.’ — Ibid.

759. Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 55. See also Van Till, Le Long, &c.

760. ‘Similiter sumens eucharistiam pignus sponsi sui, firmiter credere debet Christum jam esse suum.’ — Epistola Christina per Honium.

761. ‘Causa inaudita in carcerem conjici jusserunt.’ — Gnapheus, Tobias and Lazarus.

762. ‘Regnum illud cæremoniarum et falsorum cultuum non assectari.’ — Ibid. Preface.

763. Matt. vii. 15.

764. ‘Non ait: Perdite, trucidate, jugulate.’ — Disputatio habita. Groningæ, 1529. Gerdesius, Ann. iii. App. pp. 29-60.

765. Matt. xiv. 14-21.

766. ‘Juvenis quidam Nicolaus in navem littori proximam ascendit et Evangelium... pie explicavit.’ — Scultetus, Ann. sec. i. p. 192 in Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 37.

767. ‘Postero autem die sacco indutus... subito in profluentem projectus est.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 37.

768. ‘Nos vero eum vobis vendimus et non tradimus.’ — Scultetus, Ann. p. 210.

769. Erasmus, Epp. 266. Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 40.

770. ‘Ut omnis compulsæ castitatis necessitas tolleretur.’ — Mathæi, Analecta, vol. i. pp. 192-203.

771. Luther, Epp. Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 42 and App. p. 63.

772. Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 44.

773. State Papers of Cardinal Granvella, vol. i. p. 253.

774. ‘Suppliciis etiam extremis adficiendi.’ — Pontanus, Hist. Gueld. lib. xi. fol. 720. Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 46.

775. Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 46.

776. ‘Fulgore veritatis quæ tum renasci cœperat tactus.’ — Ibid. p. 48.

777. Joh. Pistorii Woerdenatis Martyrium e MS. editum a Jac. Revio. Lugd. Batav. 1649. — Scultetus, Ann. ad annos. Gerdesius, Ann. iii. pp. 48, 49.

778. ‘Manibus pedibusque egit.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 49.

779. ‘Se extra scripturam sacram nil quicquam quod ad salutarem attinet doctrinam fide accipere.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 50.

780. ‘Diuque et multum ab inquisitoribus vexatus.’ — Scultetus, Ann. ad annum.

781. Gerdesius, Ann. iii p. 51.

782. ‘Paratum se quidem Abrahami exemplo filium oppido carum... Deo offerre.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 51.

783. ‘Stupendo quodam et inusitato animi gaudio.’ — Gnapheus, Hist. Pistorii, p. 163.

784. Revius, Schroeckh, Brandt, Scultetus, ad annum.

785. ‘Cadaver ex oculis adstantium disparuisse, secuta constanti fama virum Dei ad cœlum translatum esse.’ — Schelhorn, Amœnit. litterar. iv. p. 418, &c.

786. Erasmus, Epp. 757. Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 43.

787. Phrase used by the Rev. Father Félix, in his discourses at Notre Dame, Paris.

788. ‘Per eorum doctrinam fabulis refertam vel mores impurissimos.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 54.

789. Document dated from the Hague, September 27, 1525. — Ibid.

790. Ibid.

791. Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 53.

792. ‘Ejus virtute permulti ad veritatis cognitionem sunt perducti.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 56.

793. Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique du droit des gens, iv. i. p. 399.

794. ‘Illas rotundas hostiolas.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 62.

795. ‘Nobili cuidam feminæ Wendelmutham unice diligenti.’ — Ib. 63.

796. ‘Cur non taces, mea Wendelmutha?‘ — Ibid.

797. ‘Hunc ego ligneum salvatorem non agnosco.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 63.

798. ‘Propter verbum Dei captus.’ — Scultetus, Ann. ad annum.

799. ‘Magna animi fortitudine et fidei magnitudine supplicium sustinuisse traditur.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 64.

800. This term is used by Gerdesius and Scultetus in the title of their Annales.

801. Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique, iv. pp. 1, 5.

802. Haræi, Annales Ducum Brabantiæ, ii. p. 582, Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 65. Brandt, Schook.

803. Pontanus, Hist. Geldr. lib. xi. fol. 762.

804. Sleidan, Scultetus, Rabus, Martyrologium, Gerdesius, Ann. iii. pp. 41, 67. Melchior Adam.

805. ‘Sine mora fidei suæ rationem exhibendam esse.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 68.

806. Ephes. vi. 17.

807. ‘Illa confessio ingenua certe ac singulari pietate conspicua.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 70.

808. ‘Magno piorum luctu vivus sit combustus.’ — Ibid.

809. Brandt.

810. ‘Pro quibus non semel, timide licet et verecunde, apud Cæsarem intercesserat.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 74.

811. Sarpi, Hist. of the Council of Trent, § lxi.

812. ‘Sunt quidam partim cognati mei partim noti partim etiam qui fuerunt discipuli mei.’ — Letter from Crocus to the official of Utrecht, 1531. Foppens, Bibliotheca Belgica, i. p. 197. Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 76.

813. ‘Mense proximo quidam illorum navibus profecturi sunt in partes orientales, ut hic Amsterdami mos est.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 76.

814. Pauli Merulæ, Descriptio rerum adv. Ang. Merulam gestarum, p. 108.

815. ‘Quum... imprimis de justificatione ex sola fide doctrinam evangelicam urgeret.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 77.

816. ‘Assertiones fidei ad Satanæ satellitium.’ — Ibid. p. 78.

817.

‘Sed postquam virtus duris exercita fatis
Destituit corpus, spiritus astra tenet.’

Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 78.

818. ‘Et candentem crucem cauterio inurendam.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 79.

819. ‘Cæsar suis fidelibus salutem.’ — Edict of 1529.

820. Brandt. i. p. 37.

821. ‘Legatos Cæsaris admittere suam in urbem noluerunt.’ — Revii, Deventria illustrata, p. 250. Gerdesius. Ann. iii. 80.

822. ‘Ad Montana Rotfeldii.’ — Histoire des Martyrs, fol. 686.

823. ‘Jubilis dicuntur replevisse viam supplicii.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 80.

824. Gerdesius. Brandt, i. p. 40.

825. Brandt, i. p. 40.

826. Brandt i. p. 41.

827. Röhrich, Ref. in Elsass, i. p. 338. Ranke, iii p. 367.

828. ‘In Transisalania arma bellica apud sectarios quosdam inveniri.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 82.

829. ‘Non papismum solum, sed Lutheri quoque et Zwinglii doctrinam vehementer reprehendebat.’ — Ibid. p. 83. Emmius, Hist. rer. Frisic. lib. lv. p. 860.

830. ‘Se Enochum esse affirmavit.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 87.

831. ‘Lutherum et pontificem Romanum esse falsos prophetas, Lutherum tamen altero deteriorem.’ — Opus restitutionis. Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 83.

832. ‘Ululantem potius quam clamantem.’ — Emmius, Hist. rerum Frisicarum, lib. lvii. fol. 884. Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 91.

833. Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 92.

834. See Mr. Motley’s great work on the Foundation of the United Provinces, part ii. ch. i. It contains an account of the early days of the Reformation in the Netherlands. The Christianity which was propagated in the times of which we are speaking became the principal cause of the great and tragic revolution described by this historian.

835. ‘Confessioni Augustanæ paucissimi adherent, sed Calvinismus omnium pæne corda occupavit’ — Viglius van Zuichem to Hopper.

836. ‘Sibi pretio oblato ea explicari curarint quæ dicta erant.’ — Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 126. Schoock, De Canon. Ultraj. p. 461.

837. ‘Frequenter noctis aliquam partem huic curæ decidens.’ — Erasmus, Epist. lib. xxviii. 23.

838. Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 123.

839. Memoirs of Enzinas, i. p. 10. The Latin text of the memoirs of this Spanish Christian, and the French translation of the 16th century, were published by M. Campan, of the Belgian Historical Society, at Brussels in 1862. ‘Pietatis ardore flagrabat... quæ virtutis ac pietatis velut exemplar semper fuisset habita.’ — Ibid. i. pp. 104, 106.

840. ‘Antonia de præcipua pene familia urbis, cujus hospitio aliquando usus est D. Johannes a Lasco.’ — Ibid. p. 102.

841. Memoirs of Enzinas, translation of 1558, p. 105.

842. ‘Filiam perelegantem, forma liberali atque ætate integra.’ — Ibid. p. 112.

843. Memoirs of Enzinas, translation of 1558, p. 611.

844. Ibid. p. 463.

845. This passage and others are taken from the pièces justificatives of the trial of the townsmen of Louvain. See Memoirs of Enzinas, i. pp. 466, 467, &c.

846. Memoirs of Enzinas, p. 466.

847. Campan. Ibid. p. 469.

848. Ibid. pp. 539, 541.

849. Memoirs of Enzinas, pp. 37, 619.

850. Memoirs of Enzinas, pièces justificatives, i. pp. 324, 325, 331, 409, 419, &c.

851. Memoirs of Enzinas, pièces justificatives, i. p. 361.

852. Ibid. pp. 379, 381.

853. Memoirs of Enzinas, i. p. 487.

854. Ibid. ii. p. 249.

855. Memoirs of Enzinas, i. pp. 319, 323, 391.

856. Memoirs of Enzinas, i. p. 14. The author of these Memoirs arrived at Louvain the day after this occurrence.

857. Crespin, Actes des Martyrs, iii. p. 125. Memoirs of Enzinas, i. p. 15.

858. Memoirs of Enzinas, iii. pp. 17, 18, 26. A general inquiry into the administration of Peter du Fief was afterwards instituted, and in the year following the inquiry he was no longer in office.

859. Crespin, Actes des Martyrs, book iii. p. 125. Gerdesius, Ann. iii. p. 144. Memoirs of Enzinas, i. pp. 23-33.

860. ‘Eorum fraudes et scelerata consilia præ ceteris propalare poterat.’ — Memoirs of Enzinas, i. p. 38.

861. ‘Tanquam insatiabiles Harpyiæ.’ — Ibid.

862. ‘Homo perpusillus, barba prominenti, exsanguis, macilentus, dolore atque inedia pæne consumptus.’ — Memoirs of Enzinas, i. p. 40.

863. ‘Riderent ac tantum non exsibilarent.’ — Ibid. i. p. 46.

864. ‘Lupos occidere ac trucidare debemus.’ — Ibid. i. p. 58.

865. ‘Vidi et audivi multos in eo loco... qui deposuissent.’ — Memoirs of Enzinas, i. p. 68.

866. ‘Clamores tristissimi eorum qui in carcere cruciabantur, universam urbem personabant, ut nemo quantumvis barbarum aut efferatum natura finxisset, sine ingenti animi dolore, miserandos illos gemitus et clamores audire potuisset.’ — Memoirs of Enzinas, i. p. 74.

867. ‘Et si vos dimitterem, non essem amicus Cæsaris.’ — Ibid. i. p. 82.

868. Memoirs of Enzinas, pièces justificatives. Interrogatoires, i. pp. 337-383.

869. Ibid. i. p. 93.

870. ‘Plures fuerant qui horrendis imprecationibus sanguinariam belluam diabolis devoverunt.’ — Ibid. p. 94.

871. Crespin, Actes des Martyrs, book iii. p. 126.

872. ‘Spectatrix materni sacrificii.’ — Ibid. p. 112.

873. The old French translation is not accurate in the whole of this passage. The Latin Memoirs say, ‘In aliquo fortassis angulo, aut certe in domo proxima.’ — Ibid.

874. ‘Ita maternam fortunam in anima filiæ fixam insedisse.’ — Ibid.

875. ‘Deum immortalem! quibus lamentationibus, quibus ejulatibus aera complebat.’ — Actes des Martyrs, book iii. p. 126.

876. ‘Ferebatur velut insana per urbem; magna vis lacrymarum ex oculis tanquam ex fonte promanabat; capillos ac faciem dilaniabat.’ — Ibid.

877. Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. p. 23.

878. ‘Suarum facultatum Ægidium dominum faciebant.’ — Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. p. 26.

879. Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. p. 31.

880. ‘Unum lectum quem sibi tantum domi reliquum fecerat, ad fœminam parturientem misit, et ipse deinceps in stramine jacuit.’ — Memoirs of Enzinas, ii p. 32.

881. ‘Una misericordia Dei (quæ fide in Christum apprehenditur) servari nos oportere.’ — Ibid.

882. ‘Ex arcana sua sede.’ — Ibid.

883. Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. pp. 35, 37.

884. Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. pp. 252-255.

885. Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. pp. 256, 264.

886. Crespin, Actes des Martyrs, p. 121. Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. pp. 261, 273.

887. Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. pp. 280, 281, 285.

888. ‘Nec in tota domo quisquam fuit qui a lacrimis potuerit temperare.’ — Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. p. 296.

889. Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. pp. 330-353. Ibid. pièces justificatives. Letter to Queen Mary, p. 517.