Geneva.—dissension and Severity. (1540.)

At the same time that Calvin’s reputation was rising in other countries, the judgment formed at Geneva of the men who had compelled him to quit the town was daily becoming more unfavorable, and ere long opinion was altogether opposed to them. ‘The time was come,’ says Theodore Beza, ‘when the Lord had determined to have pity on the Church of Geneva.’

When, in 1536, the Bernese had repulsed the troops of Savoy and insured the independence of Geneva, an arrangement was effected between these two states respecting five or six villages belonging to the priory of St. Victor, of which Bonivard had been the last prior. Geneva had claimed the sovereignty, and had conceded to Berne the rights of ancient custom which had belonged to Savoy. The treaty not being sufficiently clear, the Bernese claimed prerogatives which the Genevese disputed with them. Consequently, on March 6, 1539, the council of Geneva sent to Berne Ami de Chapeaurouge, Jean Lullin and Monathon, all three of them opponents of Calvin. The first two had indeed been syndics in 1538, and as such had taken the lead in the banishment of the reformers. They were to settle the matters in dispute, but ‘without infringing on the franchises of the town or on the treaty of 1536.’ These delegates signed at Berne, on March 30, a treaty comprising twenty-one articles, ‘the most part of which,’ says the syndic Gautier, who is moderate in his account, ‘were humiliating to the Genevese, and deprived them of their rights over those territories.’ The first article of the treaty said in fact, ‘To us of Berne the chief lordship, that is to say, the sovereignty over men and goods, is entirely to belong.’ The three Genevese were far less clever as politicians than the Bernese, and we prefer to attribute their error to their inferior diplomatic skill rather than to treason. On their return to Geneva they merely reported to the council ‘that they had done their work well (avaient bien besogné), and that the contract entered into would shortly be brought to Berne.’ It was strange that these plenipotentiaries not only should not present the treaty, but still more should not state viva voce what it contained. ‘As they had trifled with the orders which they had received,’ says Gautier, ‘they were afraid of being completely ruined if they gave an exact account of their management, and they hoped by delaying the matter to obliterate the recollections of what might be criminal in their proceedings.’ They reckoned among the members of the council many of their kinsfolk and friends. Their word was taken. These three councillors, the signatories of the articles, were consequently called the Articulants; and the people, adopting a word almost the same in sound and more familiar to them, called them the Artichauts (Artichokes). This designation was extended to the whole party opposed to Calvin, which was at this time in the ascendency.

About two months later a Bernese bailli (De Thiez) having caused a man belonging to the estates of St. Victor to be put to the torture, the council of Geneva complained of it, and the bailli immediately justified himself by appealing from them to the treaty concluded at Berne. The Genevese magistrates, who were not acquainted with it, sent Monathon to procure it. He brought it back, but it was in German! The document was returned, in order to be translated into French; and when the articles were at last read in the council many murmured, and said that most of those points were contrary to the rights and the prerogatives of the town. The three deputies justified themselves by asserting that this document was not the one which they had signed. This statement was credited. The council declared that it did not accept the paper, and decreed that the three articulants should return to Berne to demand explanations. But in vain did the two councils implore and even command Lullin to go; he declared that he would sooner quit the town than consent to be a delegate to Berne. He had private reasons for not having a mind to this mission. Three other notables were associated with De Chapeaurouge and Monathon. The two articulants represented to the Bernese that they had not heard the articles couched in such terms. But the Bernese replied that it was the genuine treaty, and that they would have the council of Geneva cited before judges charged to investigate the difficulties existing between the two towns, in order to get it condemned to sign and seal the treaty. Lambert, one of the deputies who had accompanied Monathon and De Chapeaurouge to Berne, heard, in a conversation with some people of the town, that at the time of drawing them up, Jean Lullin had consented to the articles in German, and had got them passed by his colleagues without telling them in French what they contained. From this one must infer that Jean Lullin, the only one of the three who knew German, remained responsible. The other two, however, still lay under the imputation, it must be confessed, of incredible thoughtlessness. On April 6 the deputies made their report to the council.

The Bernese, sure of their case, continued to enforce their rights of sovereignty, and took pleasure in annoying the Genevese in various ways. They even carried their ill-will to the length of cruelty. Two murderers, subjects of St. Victor, having been condemned by the Genevese magistrates to be beheaded, the Bernese bailli substituted the rack, and sent to Geneva the executioner’s bill to be paid. Discontent with the government party was increasing from day to day. People said that the treaty made at Berne was an act of treason. Was it possible that after having ruined religion by expelling Farel and Calvin, the same party should ruin the state as well, by sacrificing its most precious rights? Some went farther still. Bonnet, a member of the Two Hundred, exclaimed, ‘The council mean to deliver up the town to the lords of Berne.’ For this rash speech he was put in prison. But it served to increase the prevailing irritation. Many members of the Two Hundred, among whom was Claude Bonna, declared to that council that they would never allow the articles drawn up at Berne to receive the seal of the republic. The matter at stake was the maintenance of the honor of Geneva, her pre-eminence and the justice of her cause, perhaps of her very existence. The friends of Calvin declared that the powerful town of Berne should not trample their country under foot. The opposition to the government had become so strong that, in the sitting of August 25, all the members of the Two Hundred cried unanimously, ‘We will not submit to these articles, considering that they are opposed to our liberties, our franchises, and our good customs.’

The Bernese, annoyed and irritated by the constant refusals of Geneva, announced at the beginning of January 1540 that, having an authentic document, they summoned their allies of Geneva to Lausanne, for the 29th of the month, in order that the cause might be decided by judges, two from each town. Geneva, on the 21st, named De la Rive and Gerbel to go to Lausanne with five assistants. On the 25th the general council rejected the treaty, prohibited the deputies from accepting a judicial decision, and ordered them to say to the Bernese that the people would set fire to the city rather than accept the articles. Matters got worse and worse. Berne was inflexible. On the 26th, at nine o’clock in the evening, a Genevese, Béguin, arrived at full speed from Lausanne with important despatches. The general council, assembled on the following day, was greatly excited by them. They caused the three articulants to be arrested, and Béguin was instructed to inform the Bernese. But the latter commanded their judges to proceed, and the Genevese were condemned for contumacy to seal the treaty and to pay the costs. The gravity of the situation was at length understood at Geneva. The very day, January 27, on which the judgment was delivered at Lausanne, the general council, suddenly convoked by the tones of the great bell at one o’clock in the morning, had decreed that the deputies should sit as judges. But when this news arrived sentence was already given. They had dispensed with the Genevese.

Great was the consternation at Geneva. On Sunday, February 1, it was resolved to close all dissension at home by a general reconciliation, in token of which the citizens took each other by the hand. Chapeaurouge, Lullin, and Monathon were set at liberty on giving bail, and Jean Philippe was named captain-general. This internal peace, brought about by the war with which they were menaced from without, was solemnized by a procession of the people to the sound of the drum through the whole town. The ministers urged the appointment of a day of prayer to celebrate and confirm the reconciliation. But this peace was not rooted in the depth of their hearts. ‘Nevertheless,’ says Rozet, ‘people still heard talk of several fights in the town,’ and the son of the captain-general killed a citizen. The more violent men, when they saw the dangers to which the treason or the thoughtlessness of the articulants exposed them, exclaimed, ‘Cut off their heads, pack them all three in one trunk, and send them to Berne.’

‘Meanwhile,’ says a contemporary biographer, ‘the Lord was about to execute his judgments at Geneva in expressly punishing those who while they were syndics had been the cause of driving away Farel and Calvin.’ The councillor De Watteville, De Diesbach, and De Graffenried, deputies of Berne, on April 16, declared to the Two Hundred that the Bernese wished nothing so much as to give pleasure to Geneva, and that, without taking advantage of the sentence pronounced at Lausanne, they offered to discuss the affair anew. The general council having been convoked on April 25 to decide the matter, no way was found of coming to an understanding. These interminable disputes with Berne (it took years to settle the question) had aroused the anger of the Genevese against the articulants who were the cause of them. They believed these men to be more culpable than they really were. The assembly was in violent agitation. Groups were formed, and transports of wrath burst forth. ‘Justice! justice on the traitors!’ they cried. They demanded that, before any deliberation, these deputies should be again committed to prison. The three culprits were themselves present in the council. The captain-general, Jean Philippe, going up to them advised them in a whisper to go out instantly and make their escape. The Little Council ordered their immediate incarceration. They had signed the undertaking to appear when called for; but overcome with fright, they disguised themselves and quitted the town in great haste, thus violating the pledge which they had given. When the lieutenant went to their homes to arrest them, they had disappeared. The tidings were at once carried to the general council. ‘Let them be summoned to appear by sound of trumpet,’ said a citizen, ‘and let seals be affixed on their houses.’ ‘Yes! yes!’ cried the people; ‘so be it!’ The assembly of the people being dissolved, a great concourse of citizens surrounded the town hall and demanded justice with loud voices. The public crier, traversing the streets, summoned the three deputies to appear in three hours, in default of which they would be immediately brought to trial. The Bernese having expressed to the council their astonishment that this citation had been made without a word said to them about it; ‘Ah!’ was the reply, ‘if we are slow to execute the decision of the general council, the people will fall on us!’ The general irritation extended at the same time to the pastors who had taken the place of Farel and Calvin. These men were alarmed at it, and, on April 30, presenting themselves before the council, they made a statement of the reproaches which were heaped on them, and requested their discharge. After turning away from the reformers, people were now turning to them again. ‘At this time,’ says Rozet, a poor woman, a foreigner, went about the town crying, What God keeps is well kept.’

The three fugitives having been summoned with sound of trumpet, for three days in succession, and failing to appear, the solicitor-general presented their indictment in seventy-four counts. Thirty-two witnesses made their depositions; and on June 5 De Chapeaurouge, Lullin, and Monathon, were condemned by default to be beheaded, as forgers and rebels, who had been the cause and might again be the cause of great evils to the state. Capital punishment was readily inflicted in the sixteenth century; but the accused had fled, and it was a long way from the sentence to the execution.

The party which was favorable to the three articulants and hostile to the reformers continued to exist in Geneva, and had for its chief a capable man, the captain-general Jean Philippe, who was syndic in 1538, with Jean Lullin and Ami de Chapeaurouge. These three men, with the violent Richardet, had, as we have seen, got Farel and Calvin banished, and after having done much harm to the Church, had not hesitated to involve the state in the most cruel perplexities. Jean Philippe, by his violence, was on the point of still further increasing the troubles of the city. ‘A rich man, and not niggardly,’ says Bonivard, ‘he was very liberal to his comrades, especially those of the sword; and this made him beloved of all. A man of courage for action, he was not prudent in his projects, and he no more hesitated to risk his person than his purse. Imprudent and impudent, hasty to believe, slow to disbelieve, as soon as any hectoring fellow, among those whom he thought fit for the battle, made a report to him, he believed it. And he was hard to be undeceived because he had not capacity for appreciating a sound reason; and this caused him to do many rash things.’ Such was the man who had at his beck the party which, after having been supreme in Geneva, had just received so severe a check. Jean Philippe could not, without annoyance, see the sentence carried out against his colleagues; and he understood that the result of it must be the ruin of his whole party, unless he succeeded in arresting the course of the popular torrent which was now rushing in a direction opposed to them. Discontented and murmuring against those who had obliged Lullin and De Chapeaurouge to take flight, he was a prey to the bitterest apprehensions. After the sentence, Philippe and his adherents ‘banded themselves together,’ says Bonivard, ‘and waited for an opportunity of vengeance and of reinstating the three in their former honors. Their party, in defiance of their opponents, held banquets in the public places. After all this thunder there must needs be rain, hail, and fall of thunderbolts, to clear the sky.’ The storm indeed did not fail to burst forth.

A phenomenon was at this time visible at Geneva which has been produced in almost all nations; the conquerors were divided amongst themselves. The party which in 1538 had banished the reformers was divided into two. The more fiery minds were for pushing their victory to an extreme, the more discreet, on the other hand, slackened their pace and restrained their passions. The impetuous young men of Geneva were irritated at seeing the leaders under whom they had fought condemned to death and fugitives. On the day after their condemnation, Sunday, June 16, many Genevese, according to custom, were assembled on the plain of Plainpalais, situated at the gates of the town, and were practising archery. Some of them meeting Jean Philippe and his friends, shouted at them, ‘Artichokes!’ It will not be forgotten that this was the popular nickname given to the articulants. This little word did a great deal of mischief. ‘The tongue,’ says Calvin, ‘carries a man away and sweeps him along like a flood, just as wild unbroken horses whirl along a chariot with such force and swiftness that nothing can stop it.’ This is what now occurred at Geneva. The nickname greatly annoyed the captain-general, and he swore to take vengeance. ‘There are three hundred of us who will one day arise and hamstring so many of these evangelists and Lutherans that it shall be a thing never to be forgotten.’ This saying was attributed to him, but he afterwards denied it. The captain-general, on returning from Plainpalais, went to sup with some of his friends at the hotel de l’Ange; while other adherents of his were eating and drinking at his expense at the hotel du Brochet. Some of them, after leaving the table, met some citizens of the opposite party on the bridge over the Rhone. ‘Nothing more than hard words passed between them,’ says Bonivard, ‘with the exception of Jean Philippe, who seized a halberd, and, as though he were out of his mind, without distinguishing friend from foe, struck blows right and left, and wounded two or three persons.’ Then this fierce partisan crossed the Rhone to go to St. Gervais, where most of his familiar associates lived. He summoned and got them together, a grave proceeding for a captain-general, and passing the bridge with them, reached the square of La Fusterie. There he found a large body of his adversaries. A conflict began. Jean Philippe struck other blows. ‘With the point of his halberd he wounded one Jean d’Abères in the breast,’ says Bonivard, ‘so seriously that he had to be carried to his house.’ One Jean de Lesclefs gave with his partisan a blow on the head to Ami Perrin, ‘a citizen,’ says Bonivard, ‘who was fond of being splendidly attired and of good living, and who at this time belonged to the party of honest men.’ Claude of Geneva, a friend of Perrin, discharged a pistol at Lesclefs, and the shot entering near the heart killed him. The captain-general, repulsed, withdrew to his own house with his adherents, who kept firing their arquebuses from within. The syndic Philippin, wishing to allay the disturbance, was wounded by these men, and a servant of one of their own number, putting his head out at the window, was also struck. It was very generally believed that the captain-general had formed a conspiracy to upset the government which had just condemned his friends. It is difficult to decide. We may, however, suppose that it was a riot rather than a conspiracy.

At nine o’clock in the evening of the same day the council convoked the Two Hundred, and gave orders to guard the town-gates to prevent the flight of the culprits. The next day, at five in the morning, the Council of the Two Hundred held a sitting, gave orders that the citizens should assemble in arms before the town-house to support their decisions, and commanded the officers of justice to go to the house of the captain-general to arrest him and all who should be with him. But Jean Philippe, well aware that the position of a commander-in-chief of the Genevese militia, who placed himself in open and armed revolt against the government, was a very grave one, had quitted his house, escaped by the roofs, and thus reached the hostelry of the Tour Perce, which belonged to a brother of Lullin. As the agents of the council did not find him either at home or elsewhere, proclamation was made in the town with sound of trumpet, that whosoever might know where he was, was to disclose it. The magistrate was informed, it is not known by whom, that the captain-general was concealed in the Tour Perce. ‘At once everybody was off thither,’ says Bonivard; ‘then they searched for Philippe from cellar to garret, and he was at last found lying in the stable under the hay.’ They led him immediately to the syndics, who were waiting for him at the door. They had him seized by the guards and taken to the Evêché (a prison). But it was effected with great difficulty, for it was all that the guards with their halberds and the syndics with their bâtons could do to prevent the people from killing him in their hands. ‘Here we may see an instance,’ adds the prisoner of Chillon, ‘of the trust we should place in a people.’

The witnesses were heard, and Jean Philippe underwent an examination on the criminal acts with which he stood charged. These acts were proved and he confessed them. The whole town was stirred. The people cried aloud for justice and said ‘that they would do execution on the murderers if the tribunals failed to do it. The preachers themselves exhorted to pray and to execute justice.’ A scene at once pathetic and terrible occurred to raise still higher the general excitement. Jean d’Abères having sunk under his wounds, ‘his wife caused the body of her husband to be carried on a bench to the front of the town-house, and accompanied it crying incessantly, Justice! justice! justice! weeping and smiting herself.’ Her children were round her, weeping and crying out as she did. A dead body, and especially the body of a husband and father, surrounded by those who loved him, has always great power to touch the heart. The solicitor-general presented his bill of indictment. It set forth that Jean Philippe ‘had always been esteemed a seditious man, who had been accustomed to gather round him all the restless spirits; that he had assembled them on the previous Sunday, taking up arms against the city of Geneva; that in order to accomplish his murderous intentions he had placed armed men in his house; that he was a murderer and voluntary homicide, his hands dyed with blood; that out of the fulness of his heart he had uttered these words or the like of them, ‘I will kill so many people that I shall be surfeited.’ The solicitor-general moved in conclusion that the council should execute justice immediately, ‘as shameless and tumultuous proceedings and horrid enterprises, and in the same manner as in cases of high treason.’ Sentence was pronounced by the syndic Etienne de Chapeaurouge, nephew of one of the fugitives. Philippe was condemned ‘to have his head severed from shoulders till the soul was separated from the body.’ The execution took place the same day. De Chapeaurouge, after having pronounced sentence, absented himself from the council, and one or two others likewise withdrew.

Thus, of the four syndics who had decreed the banishment of Farel and Calvin, two had been condemned as forgers and rebels, and a third had just been executed as a mover of sedition and a homicide. There remained the fourth of them, Richardet. He had united force with ridicule, and had said ironically to Calvin when expelling him, ‘The gates of the town are wide enough for you to go out.’ As he had taken part in the sedition of Jean Philippe, he took fright and wished to make his escape. Unwilling to go out by the gates of the town, however wide they were, for fear of being recognized and arrested, ‘he let himself down through a window in the town walls,’ says Rozet, ‘burst (se creva) because he was heavy, and did not live long after.’ ‘As he was very fat,’ says Gautier, ‘the rope broke, and the fall caused him a contusion of which he shortly after died.’

It is hardly possible to avoid being struck with the fate of these four men. The Greeks conceived the idea of a goddess, Nemesis, charged with the duty of overthrowing an insolent prosperity and of avenging crimes, who winged her way through the air, encompassed by serpents, provided with torches and inflicting terrible vengeance. ‘We cannot pass over,’ says Rozet, ‘the remarkable judgment of God on the four syndics of the year 1538, who being elected by the people as adversaries of the religion of the reformation sworn to, had banished the ministers and routed their friends. Two years later, in one and the same year, in the month of June, all four of them, at the instigation of the people themselves, came to confusion and ruin by their crimes.’ History can hardly furnish a more striking illustration of the truth proclaimed by the great poet, ‘Punishment, though lame, seldom fails to overtake the guilty.’

However, in our opinion, the articulants, though chargeable with carelessness and incompetency, were not guilty of treachery. On the other hand, it is not fair to attribute to the friends of Farel and Calvin some odious acts of which they were completely innocent. It has been alleged that on the third day after the execution of Jean Philippe, the most religious persons ‘publicly celebrated their victory by a feast at the town hall.’ Strong evidence would be necessary to establish a fact so adapted to arouse in honorable men aversion and indignation; but not a single document is known in which it is mentioned. We are bound to say, however, that the verdict of contemporaries was more severe than our own. ‘These men,’ says Theodore Beza, ‘having been cast away like vile dregs, the city began to ask again for its Calvin and Farel.’ All was in course of preparation for their return to it. Some vacancies having been made in the council by the blows which had just been struck, men were appointed who were friendly to the Reformation, and from that time their party formed the majority. The far-seeing intelligence of Calvin had foretold that the ascendency of his adversaries would be of short duration; and his word was fulfilled.

The ways of God are deep and mysterious. Two years previously the work of the reformer appeared to be brought to a stand in Geneva. His victorious enemies held up their heads in the general council; their power seemed invincible; and the few citizens who dared to declare themselves on the side of the banished ministers found themselves threatened and prosecuted, and were compelled to retire into silence or to flee their country. The reformers were wandering about as exiles in the cantons of Switzerland, not knowing where to seek refuge. But time passed on, and the state of things was altered. The authors of the proscription sank beneath the weight of their faults, and were proscribed in their turn. Geneva was weary of leaders without intelligence, and rejected them. No longer able to face the perils gathering around it, the city will soon recall and receive as liberators the men whom she has driven away as enemies of her freedom. Calvin, on his part, had found in exile not weakness but strength. God had removed him to a vaster scene, where his horizon was widened. His thought had been elevated, his soul strengthened and purified. He had seen Germany, and had played a part, not one of the least, in her great assemblies; he had held communication with Melanchthon, and established a connection between the German Reformation and that of the Swiss cantons and of France. The differences between the two great movements had grown less; the communion of spirit had been strengthened. On both sides a reciprocal influence had been felt. In the next volume we shall see Calvin return to his post a greater and stronger man, more master of himself, no less firm and no less determined, once more to undertake his task and to conduct it to a happy end.

END OF THE SIXTH VOLUME.

530 BROADWAY, NEW YORK,

November, 1876.

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Footnotes

‘Tanta sanctitatis opinione apud omnes vixerant,
ut... cellæ in templa commutarentur.’ — Buchanan, Rer. Scot. Hist., lib. iv.
35 Rex.

‘Nullus est Papa.’ (Walter Bower, lib. xv. c. 20.) Knox, Hist. of the Ref., i. 498.

‘Paulus Crawar, in sacris litteris et in allegatione Bibliæ promptus et exercitatus.’ — Scoti-Chronicon, vol. ii. p. 495.

Knox, Hist. of the Ref., i. 6.

‘Sacerdotem domi habebat, qui ipsi et familiæ Novum
Testamentum lingua vernacula prælegebat.’ — (Regi Scotorum Jacobo V.,
Alexander Alesius.) There is no paging.

‘Terroribus monachorum non nihil perturbatus.’ — (Regi Scotorum Jacobo V., Alexander Alesius.)

‘Ut rex, etiam surgens, complexus sit mulierem.’ — Ibid.

—Shakespeare, Hen. V., Act i. sc. 2.

‘Hepburnus, Gavini ministris pulsis, arcem valido præsidio communit.’ — Buchanan, lib. xiii, 106 Rex.

Buchanan, Ibid. Spotswood, Hist. of the Church of
Scotland. London, 1677, pp. 61, 62.

Knox, Buchanan, Fox, Spotswood, McCrie.

Alesius relates this story in his ‘Epistola dedicatoria Comment. in Johannem.’ Bayle, in the article Alesius, says, ‘Il avait été préservé de la mort, par miracle, dans sa jeunesse.’

‘Hamiltonium familia regium quoque sanguinem attingente, natus.’ — Bezæ Icones. This is the opinion of Pinkerton, McCrie, and other authors. Others suppose that Sir Patrick Hamilton (of Kincavil) was a natural son of Lord Hamilton. But in a charter of April 1498 he is called brother-german of James Lord Hamilton, eldest son of his father, which seems plainly to mean that he was not half-brother by the father’s side; and in a charter of January 1513 he is distinguished from another Hamilton, a natural son of the same lord. This last circumstance doubtless gave rise to a qui pro quo.

Pitscottie, Hist. of Scotland. Leland’s Collectanea. Lorimer, Patrick Hamilton.

The inscription sought and found in the Acta rectoria of the University of Paris by Professor Rosseeuw Saint-Hilaire, at the request of Professor Lorimer, proves that Hamilton studied at Paris.

‘My great-grandfather, gudeschir, and father have served your Lordship’s predecessors, and some of them have dyed under their standartis’. — John Knox, Hist. of the Reformation, edited by D. Laing, ii. p. 323.

Not to the university of St. Andrews, as was formerly supposed. ‘The name occurs... in the year 1522.... He was seventeen years of age.’ — M’Crie, Life of Knox, Note B.

‘Velut seditionis fax, volitaret armatus.’ — Buchanan.

—Buchanani Poemata. Adventus in Galliam.

‘Potes hunc tyrannum occidere.’ — Major, Sentent., fol. 139.

‘Reges legitimos ab initio creavimus, leges et nobis et illis æquas imposuimus.’ — De Jure Regni apud Scotos, p. 24.

‘Juvenis ingenio summo et eruditione
singulari.’ — Buchanan, Scot. Hist., p. 494.

Margaret to Henry VIII. — State Papers, iv. p. 17.

State Papers, pp. 51, 52, 70, 71. — ‘Albany embarked
probably on May 31.’ — Ibid., p. 77.

Acta parl. Scot., vol. ii. p. 255. — State Papers,
vol. iv. p. 387.

‘The young king cannot by himself rede an English
letter.’ — State Papers, iv. p. 368.

‘They are at all times of contrary opinion.’ — Ibid.,
iv. p. 362.

‘May destroy the king, my son, and me.’ — Ibid., iv. pp. 81, 169, 188, 227, 237.

‘We may have your supplications direct for us unto His Holyness.’ — Margaret to Wolsey, State Papers, iv. p. 452.

State Papers, iv. pp. 457-458. — Scott, Hist. of
Scotland, i. ch. xxv. — Lindsay, Chronicles.

‘I went suddenly thitherward, thinking that I would cause to make a good fire of them.’ — MS. Cotton, Galba B., vi. fol. 4.

State Papers, iv. p. 561.

‘Most part to the town of St. Andrews.’ — Cotton, MS.
Calig. ii. 77.

‘Disputing, holding, and maintaining divers heresies of Martin Luther.’ — Sentence Pronounced against Hamilton. Fox, Acts, iv. p. 560.

Certain articles preached by him (ibid.) It is clear that these articles were preached as early as 1527, before Hamilton had quitted Scotland. The sentence states: ‘Faithful inquisition being made in Lent last past.’ It is of Lent last past that it speaks. Now the sentence was of the last February. The Lent of 1528 was hardly begun. Besides, the sentence states that Hamilton, after having preached, passed forth of the realm to other parts; which decides the question.

Luther, Ep. to the Galatians.

See ‘The Sentence against P. Hamilton.’ — Fox, Acts,
iv. p. 560.

Fox, Acts, iv. p. 560.

‘Unicus et pietatis et literarum vindex.’ — Registers of the University of Marburg, A. D. 1527.

‘Ad instaurandas liberales disciplinas.’ — Ibid.

‘Conference and familiarity.’ — Fox, Acts, iv. p. 558.

Paradoxa Lamberti, in Schultetus, Annales Evangel.

‘Cautelæ impiæ.’ — Baum, Lambert d’Avignon, p. 152.

‘P. Hamilton, of the county of Linlithgow (in which Kincavil is situated), a Scotchman, Master of Arts of Paris.’ The three names may still be seen in the registers under the numbers 37, 38, 39.

‘Ex illustrissima Hamiltonum familia, quæ ex summis
regni Scotiæ et regi sanguine proximius juncta est.’ Baum, Lambert
d’Avignon, p. 152.

‘Prorsus arbitrarer me extinctum iri.’ — Luther, Epp.
iv. p. 187.

‘Ut non deserat peccatorem suum.’ — Ibid.

‘Viel ein aerger Buch wider das Papsthum.’ — Statement of Jonas.

‘Hans Luft jam nono die ægrotat.’ — Luther, Epp. iv. p. 189.

‘Fere expiravit inter brachia mea heri.’ — Luther, Epp. iv. p. 189.

‘In domo mea cœpit esse hospital.’ — Ibid.

‘Verbum Dei pure tradidi.’ — Ibid.

‘Me hoc illi consulente.’ — Lamberti dedicatio, Exegeseos in Apocalypsim.

Patrick’s Places. — Fox, Acts, iv. p. 566.

Ibid., and Knox, Hist. of Ref., i. p. 25.

‘Axiomata doctissime asseruit.’ — Lambert, Dedication, Exeges Apocal.

Fryth, To the Reader. Fox, Acts, iv. p. 563.

Notes on Patrick’s Places. Fox, Ibid. p. 572.

Ibid. p. 573.

‘Plerique sacerdotum, novitatis nomine offensi,
contenderunt Novum Testamentum nuper a Martino Luthero fuisse
scriptum.’ — Buchanan, Hist., lib. xv. p. 534.

Patrick’s Places, in Fox, Acts, iv. p. 565.

‘To testify the truth, he sought all means.’ — Fox,
Acts, iv. p. 563.

Knox, Hist. of the Ref., ed. Wodrow, p. 15.

‘Whereunto many gave ear.’ — Spotswood’s Hist., p. 62.

‘All sorts of people.’ — Ibid.

‘He spared not to show the errors crept into Christian religion,’ &c. — Ibid.

‘To the south of the house of Kincavil, in the craig quarter.’ — Charter of 3 Sept. 1507. — Lorimer’s Hamilton.

‘A great following he had.’ — Spotswood’s Hist., p. 62.

See Fox, Acts and Monuments, iv. pp. 570, 571.

‘Man soll’s dem Papst zuwider thun,’ &c. — Luther’s
Tischreden, c. 43.

‘Paulo ante mortem duxit nobilem virginem
uxorem.’ — Alesius, Liber Psalm. 1554.

The only author who has mentioned it before us is
Professor Lorimer, in his Memoirs, 1857.

‘A conjured enemy to Christ Jesus.’ — Knox, Hist. of the Ref., i. p. 15.

Scots’ Worthies, p. 12.

‘Prædixit etiam se brevi moriturum, cum adhuc apud suos esset.’ — Alesius, Liber Psalm.

Alesius.

On the Law and the Gospel. Fox, Acts, iv. pp. 575,
576.

‘Bona opera non faciunt bonum hominem, sed homo bonus facit bona opera.’ — Alesius, Liber Psalm.

Bayle, Dict. crit.; art. ‘Alesius.’

‘Lutheri assertiones refutans, cum applausu
theologorum.’ — Alesius, Liber Psalm.

‘Doctrinæ sententiarum.’ — Alesius, Liber Psalm.

‘Verum præter expectationem meam evenit, ut ex ipsius colloquio meam errorem agnoscerem.’ — Alesius, Liber Psalm.

‘Eorum qui Thomae Aquinatis sectam imitantur inter
eruditiores habitus.’ — Buchanan, lib. xiv. an. 1527.

‘Erat enim in eo placida natura.’ — Alesius, Liber
Psalm.

Knox, Alesius, Spotswood, Scots’ Worthies.

‘Docuit et disputavit palam in Academia, plus minus
mensem.’ — Alesius, in Psalm.

‘Metu cognatorum ejus.’ — Lambert, Apocal.

‘Adhortante rege ipso.’ — Lesley, De Rebus Gestis, &c. p. 421.

‘They travailled with the king, that he should pass in pilgrimage to St. Duthac.’ — Knox, Reform., i. p. 16.

The fact of this journey has been disputed in spite of the testimonies of Knox, Spotswood, and others. But a letter of Angus to Wolsey, of March 30, 1528, states that the king was at that time in the north country, in the extreme parts of his realm. This evidence is decisive.

‘Cum frater Patricii duxisset exercitum.’ — Lambert,
Liber Psalm.

‘Ventis fuit impeditus.’ — Ibid.

‘Aliquot millia conscripserunt equitum.’ — Ibid. The
number is doubtless exaggerated.

‘Very early in the morning.’ — Fox, Acts, iv. p. 559.
The last of February. — Knox, Hist. of the Ref., i. 18 and 511. Pridie
Cal. Martii. — Lambert, in Johan. Apocal. in Dedicat.

Spotswood, Hist. of the Church of Scotland, p. 63.

Spotswood, Hist. of the Church of Scotland, p. 63.

M’Crie, Life of Melville, i. note D, p. 416.

‘Cum ii qui missi erant sub noctem ab episcopis hospitium ejus obsidissent.’ — Alesius, Liber Psalm.

‘Processit ille obvius eis et petit quem
quærerent.’ — Alesius, Liber Psalm.

‘Orans ut discedere permitteret suos.’ — Ibid.

The author, during a visit which he paid to St. Andrews in 1845, studied on the spot the places here referred to, having as his guide to the beautiful antiquities of St. Andrews the historian of the Scottish Church, Dr. Hetherington.

‘Affui ego, spectator tragediæ.’ — Alesius, Liber
Psalm.

‘After the manner of other courtiers in all kinds of licentious riotousness.’ — Knox, Hist., i. App. p. 505.

It is in reference to this verse (Ps. xxxvii. 3) that Alesius, in his Comm. des Psaumes, narrates the trial of Hamilton.

‘Jusserunt episcopi et theologi ut ei conviciaretur et vocaret eum hereticum.’ — Alesius, Liber Psalm.

Pitscottie, Hist. of Scotland, pp. 133, 134.

‘Mi frater, non ita sentis in animo.’ — Alesius, Liber Psalm.

‘Hoc dicto ita conscientiam illius percutit.’ — Ibid.

‘Domum rediens, inciderit in phrenesin.’ — Ibid.
Buchanan adds, lib. xiv. ad an. 1527, ‘Nunquam ex eo die compos mentis
fuit.’

The sentence is given at full length in Fox, Acts, iv. p. 560.

‘Conclusus inter aliquot millia armatorum.’ — Alesius, Liber Psalm.

‘Cum ipse adhuc in mensa sederet, jubet vocari præfectum et quærit utrum omnia parata sint.’ — Alesius, Liber Psalm.

‘Apprehensa ejus dextera, properat ad locum
supplicii.’ — Ibid.

‘Christi cruce cunctis vitæ commodis anteposita.’ — Bezæ Icones.

‘Viso palo, ad quam alligandus erat, aperit caput, suscipiensque in cœlum, orat.’ — Alesius, Liber Psalm.

Knox, Hist. of the Ref., p. 17. Spotswood, p. 63.

Pittscottie, Lorimer.

Pittscottie, Lorimer.

‘Tu, si vera doces, infer digitum huc, ubi totus
ardeo.’ — Alesius, Liber Psalm.

Knox, Hist., i. p. 18.

‘Insania conflictatus mortem obiit.’ — Buchanan, lib.
xiv. an. 1527. — ‘Ut in phrenesin inciderit, et non longe post mortuus
sit.’ Alesius, Lib. Psalm.

The learned Mr. David Laing found a note of this in the
Records of the Treasury. — See his appendix to Knox’s Hist. of the
Ref., i. p. 515.

‘Commendat matrem amicis.’ — Alesius, Liber Psalm.

‘Cum jam scissus per medium ignita catena
ferrea.’ — Ibid.

‘Erexit tres digitos, aliis duobus combustis.’ — Alesius, Liber Psalm.

‘In igne, ab hora xii. usque ad vi., vespere, sedit
ustulatus magisquam combustus.’ — Ibid.

‘Alesii responsio ad Cochlæum.’

Théodore Beza, Icones.

These verses relating to Hamilton occur in a poem, De Coronis Martyrum in Scotia, written by John Jonston, the manuscript of which is preserved in the Advocates’ Library, Edinburgh. [Note by Translator.]

‘Tunc incandescerunt,’ etc. — Alesius, Regi Scot.

Knox, Hist. of the Ref., i. p. 36.

Letters from the doctors of Louvain to the doctors of Scotland. — Fox, Acts, iv. p. 561. Knox, Hist., i. 512.

‘An epistil to the nobil lords of Scotland.’ — Knox,
Hist., i. App. 3, p. 544.

Ibid. p. 503.

State Papers, iv p. 499.

‘A sacris libris arcetur.’ — Alesius, Regi contra
Cochlæum.

‘Vim religionis, inspectis fontibus,
cognoscant.’ — Ibid.

Bayle, Dict. crit.; art. ‘Alesius.’

‘Stringit ferrum in me, meque confodisset,
nisi duo canonici, eum vi retrahentes, ferrum a meo corpore
avertissent.’ — Alesius, Regi adv. Cochlæum.

‘Ita ut collapsus, aliquamdiu jacerem
exanimis.’ — Alesius, Regi adv. Cochlæum.

‘Nisi locus fuisset infectus pestilentia.’ — Ibid.

‘Ego in latrinam quamdam inducor.’ — Ibid.

‘Post vigesimum diem extrahit me squalentem ex latrina illa.’ — Alesius, Regi adv. Cochlæum.

‘Lavari et nitide vestiri.’ — Ibid.

‘Jubet me ab ara avelli et in latrinam rapi.’ — Alesius, Regi adv. Cochlæum.

‘Certum exitium impendere, nisi fuga mihi
consulam.’ — Alesius, Regi adv. Cochl.

‘Maximo dolore afficiebar cum cogitarem mihi e patria discedendum esse.’ — Ibid.

‘Patria qua nihil dulcius est bene institutis
naturis.’ — Ibid.

‘Ecclesia, cuilibet pio, verius est patria, quam ille locus qui nascentem excepit.’ — Alesius, Regi adv. Cochlæum.

‘Cum lacrymantes inter nos vale dixissemus.’ — Ibid.

Comment. on Acts, xx. 37.

‘Media jam nocte in densissimis tenebris solus iter
aggredior.’ — Comment. on Acts, xx. 37.

‘Acerbissimum patriam et cognatos deserere.’ — Ibid.

‘Fiducia Christi sustentabar.’ — Ibid.

‘Equites missi a meo præposito.’ — Ibid.

‘Me quidem homo germanus admodum excepit, meque sibi adjunxit’ — Comment. on Acts, xx. 37. The word germanus in this passage doubtless means German, and not kinsman, as some have supposed.

‘Oleum misericordiæ, nisi in vase fiduciæ
ponis.’ — Comment. on Acts, xx. 37.

Alesius, De Traditionibus Apostolicis, in dedicatione.

‘Pervagatus sum quamdam Galliæ oram.’ — Alesius, Regi
adv. Episcop.

‘The sore imprisonment of the erle of Argyll, the little exstymation of the erle of Murray and the Lord Maxwell,’ etc. — Northumberland to Henry VIII., State Papers, iv. p. 598.

‘The erle Bothwell in the night and other
three.’ — State Papers, iv. p. 597.

‘To crown your Grace in the town of Edinburgh within bref tyme.’ — State Papers, iv. p. 574, Sept. 29, 1531.

‘That we may lawfully write ourself prince of England and Duke of York.’ — State Papers, iv. p. 599.

‘Of an audacious and bold spirit.’ — Spotswood, p. 63.

Knox, Hist. of the Ref., pp. 45, 46.

‘This carnal prince who altogether was given unto the filthy lusts of the flesh.’ — Knox, Hist. of the Ref., p. 48.

Ibid. pp. 48-52.

Calderwood, i.

MS., Advocates’ Library. — Pitcairn’s Crim. Trials, i. p. 161.

‘Mores regi posse sine sacris libris?’ (Alesii Epistola contra Decretum quoddam Episcoporum in Scotia.) This letter bears no name either of its publisher or of the place where it was printed. There is at the end only Anno MDXXXIII.

‘Ut populus paulatim induat ethnicas
persuasiones.’ — Alesii Epistola contra Decretum quoddam Episcoporum in
Scotia.

This treatise, in the form of a letter, is entitled, An expediat laicis legere Novi Testamenti libros lingua vernacula? — Ex Dresda. Id. Junii 1533.

State Papers, iv. pp. 608-611.

Fox, Acts, iv. p. 579.

Anderson, Bible Annals, ii. p. 443, note.

‘To the intent that all the people of Forfar might see the fire,’ etc. — Fox, Acts, iv. p. 579.

Fox, Acts, iv. p. 579.

Knox, Hist. of the Ref., i. p. 59. Scots’ Worthies,
p. 20.

‘On hearing them he became of a sudden as one enraptured or inspired.’ — Scots’ Worthies, p. 20.

‘He threw himself on his knees, extended his hands.’ etc. — Scots’ Worthies.

Spotswood, p. 66.

Fox, Acts, iv. p. 579. Scots’ Worthies, p. 16.

State Papers, v. pp. 1-6. These instructions, which have no date, belong to the second half of the year 1534, and they are corrected by the hand of Cromwell, by whom they were also probably drawn up. [The instructions extend over five printed quarto pages. — Translator.]

‘King Henry VIII. to King James V.’ — State Papers, v. p. 7.

‘Audience he himself only.’ Letter from Margaret to
Henry VIII. and to Cromwell. — Ibid. pp. 10-12.

State Papers, p. 14. Otterburn’s Letters to Cromwell. See also the note taken from the Diurnall.

State Papers, v. p. 52, p. 19.

State Papers, v. pp. 18-20.

Calderwood’s Hist. Scots’ Worthies, p. 21.

Ibid.

These and other details were communicated by Andrew to the minister John Davidson, who inserted them in his History of the Scottish Martyrs. — Scots’ Worthies.

‘Stoutly.’ Fox’s Acts, v. p. 622.

[Or portass, a portable breviary, or small
prayer-book. — Translator.]

Fox’s Acts. Scots’ Worthies, p. 22.

Letter from Angus to Sir G. Douglas.

State Papers, v. p. 38.

See the Letter from the Queen-mother to Henry
VIII. — State Papers.

Howard and Barlow to Henry VIII. — State Papers, pp.
46, 48.

Unpublished Letters of Margaret of Angoulême, p. 349.

Sutchyll’s Letters to the Lord Admiral. — State Papers, v. p. 59.

‘Sub amitæ reginæ Navarræ disciplina
educata.’ — Buchanan, lib. xiv. ad an. 1537. See also Unpublished
Letters of the Queen of Navarre, p. 77.

Buchanan, Opera, p. 81.

‘Rex, id quod evenit, de exitu uxoris veritus, in illam oculos conjecerat.’ — Buchanan, lib. xiv.

Kirkton, True History of the Church of Scotland, p. 7.

‘The great part of the sermon was in extolling of the Richess of Rome authority.’ — State Papers, v. p. 154.

‘Most vicious prince we shall call, for he neither spared manis wieff, nor madyn, no more after his marriage than he did before.’ — Knox, Ref. in Scotland, Works, 1846, i. p. 66.

‘His velut machinis admotis, quum regis animum
superstitionibus obnoxium labefactassent.’ — Buchanan, lib. xiv. an.
1535.

Spotswood, Church of Scotland, p. 67.

Criminal Trials. Anderson, Bible Annals, p. 498.

Norfolk to Cromwell, March 29, 1539. — State Papers, v. p. 154.

‘Daily commeth unto me some gentlemen and some
clerks.’ — State Papers, v. p. 154.

Ibid.

‘The verray sempill people understood that as the preastis and pharisyes....’ — Knox, Ref. in Scotland, i. p. 62

‘Because they were at the bridal and marriage of a
priest.’ — Fox, Acts, v. p. 623.

‘Mars 1, 1539, accusatio hereticorum et eorum
combustio.’ — Archæologia, xxii. p. 7. ‘The last day of
February.’ — Knox, Ref. in Scotland, p. 63.

Anderson, Annals of the English Bible, ii. 500, 501.

‘Eorum combustio apud Edinburgh rege
presente.’ — Archæologia, xxii. p. 7.

‘Lutheranismo suspecti complures capti sunt, quinque cremati.’ — Buchanan, Res Scoticæ, p. 309.

Lord Treasurer’s Accounts.

‘Sopitis custodibus.’ — Lord Treasurer’s Accounts.

‘Per cubiculi fenestram evaserat.’

Knox, Ref. in Scotland, p. 71.

Knox, Ref. in Scotland, p. 71.

Ibid. p. 63.

‘One frere Jerome, a well learned man, lyeth in sore yerons.’ — State Papers, v. p. 141.

Scots’ Worthies, p. 24.

Knox, Ref., p. 65. Spotswood, p. 67. Petrie, History of the Church, p. 180.

‘For many of his minions were pensioners to
priests.’ — Knox, Ref. in Scotland, p. 67.

State Papers, v. p. 174.

State Papers, v. p. 170.

State Papers, v. p. 170.

Spotswood, p. 70. Petrie, p. 180.

State Papers, v. p. 177.

‘Rex provisus jam hæredibus de sua salute
securior.’ — Buchanan, p. 510.

State Papers, v. p. 178.

Knox, Ref., p. 82. It is difficult to say what this word jefwellis exactly means. Another manuscript has josrellis; another jeffels; and a fourth, Jesuits. The last reading is improbable. The Jesuits had only been confirmed by the pope the year before, and their name had not yet become a term of reproach.

The State Papers, v. p. 125, contain a letter from him to Lord Cromwell, on a political subject, and suggesting that Henry VIII. should give his nephew a young lion, in token of his friendship. ‘He saw one zoung lyoun in Flandris.’ The King of Scotland wished for it, and Scott thought that his wish should be gratified.

Knox, Ref. in Scotland, p. 69. Spotswood, p. 71.

‘J. Hamiltonium ense stricto in se ruentem.’ — Buchanan, p. 512.

State Papers, v. pp. 188-190.

State Papers, v. p. 168.

State Papers, v. p. 168.

‘Ac prolixe de sui regis amore et benevolentia erga eum sponderent.’ — Buchanan, p. 516.

State Papers, v. p. 198.

‘Si animum regis largitionibus immensis aggrederentur.’ — Buchanan, Rer. Scot. Hist., p. 510. D. de Foe, Church of Scotland, p. 9. Spotswood, Hist., pp. 70, 71. Petrie, Hist., p. 181. Knox, Ref., p. 77.

Knox, Ref., p. 77.

‘Cæsi non adeo multi, plurimi capti.’ — Buchanan, p. 512.

Knox, Ref., p. 78.

State Papers, v. pp. 207, 209.

Knox, Ref., p. 81.

Sadler’s Papers, i. p. 94. Knox, Ref., p. 81.

Knox, Ref., p. 86.

Knox, Ref., p. 89.

Knox, Ref., p. 86.

‘Quum circiter 500 equites Angli in propinquis collibus cernerentur.’ — Buchanan, p. 513.

Knox, Ref., p. 87.

Plures a Scotis latronibus capti et Anglis
divenditi.’ — Buchanan, p. 513.

Knox, Ref., p. 88.

Ibid.

‘Velut ad publicum spectaculum per ora vulgi
traducti.’ — Buchanan, p. 516. Their names and their fortunes are set
forth in State Papers, v. pp. 232-235.

Lesley says that it was at Carlaverock, but Knox, p. 89, and Pitscottie, p. 174, say ‘Lochmaben,’ which seems to me established.

Knox, Ref., p. 89.

State Papers, v. pp. 225-228.

Spotswood, p. 71. Knox, Ref., p. 91.

‘Rege in ætatis flore non tam morbo quam mœroris vi
extincto.’ — Buchanan, p. 515.

‘Imminere videbatur tempestas quantam vix ulla proximorum sæculorum memoria... meminisset.’ — Buchanan, p. 515.

‘Multi pro sua cujusque spe aut metu varie
disserebant.’ — Ibid.

‘Minime turbidus, ex amita cardinalis natus,’ — Buchanan, p. 515.

‘Many affirm that a dead man’s hand was made to subscribe a blank.’ — Knox, Ref., p. 92. ‘Conducto Balfurio sacrificulo mercenario falsum testamentum subjecit.’ — Buchanan, p. 515. Sadler, Papers, i. p. 38. Lesley, Hist., p. 169.

State Papers, v. pp. 238, 240. Knox, Ref., pp. 32,
94.

Spotswood, p. 71. Buchanan, Knox.

State Papers, v. p. 250.

Knox, Ref., p. 95. Spotswood, p. 72. McCrie, Life of Knox, p. 21. Edit. 1855.

State Papers, v. p. 242.

‘Quum cardinalis non solum repugnaret sed obturbando et alios interpellando, nihil decerni pateretur.’ — Buchanan, p. 517. It appears to us that Buchanan, although a contemporary and an eminent historian, is in error here. He assigns this opposition of the cardinal to the month of March in the parliament, while it is evident that it took place on January 26 at the latest.

‘Communi prope omnium consensu cardinalis in cubiculum seorsum seclusus est.’ — Buchanan, ibid.

State Papers, v. p. 242 n.

Calvin, Harm. de Matth., xii. 29.

State Papers, v. 249.

State Papers, v. 249.

State Papers, v. pp. 262-264. Angus to Lisle.

‘The marriage of the said queen, and to contract the same by their said ambassadors.’ — Ibid.

Knox, Hist. of the Ref., p. 98.

Knox, Hist. of the Ref., p. 99.

Ibid., p. 100. Spotswood, p. 72. Petrie, Church
Hist., p. 182.

Knox, Ref., p. 100.

‘Affuit R. Sadlerius, eques ab Anglo legatus, qui nuptias et pacem publicam procuraret.’ — Buchanan, p. 517.

‘With his fulmination of cursing, and all other means that he shall be able to excogitate.’ — State Papers, v. p. 286.

Knox, Ref., p. 103.

‘Hamilton, abbas Passerensis, et David
Panitarius.’ — Buchanan, lib. xv. anno 1543. ‘David Panter.’ — Spotswood.
‘David Panteyr.’ — Knox.

‘Great esperance there was that their presence should have been comfortable to the kirk of God,’ — Knox, Ref., p. 105.

Knox, Ref., p. 107.

Knox, Ref., p. 107.

Spotswood. Knox writes ‘Ballantyne.’

State Papers, v. p. 242. Spotswood, p. 73. In Laing’s edition of Knox it is stated in a note, p. 97, ‘He at last obtained permission to go to his own castle of St. Andrews, under the guard of George, fifth Lord Seaton.’ But the text of Knox, p. 57, says, ‘Was put first in Dalkeith, after in Seatoun.’

‘He took no heed to them, but to new opinions of
heresy.’ — State Papers, v. 322.

‘The cardinal ceased not to traffic with such of the multitude as he might draw to his faction.’ — Knox, Ref., p. 108.

‘Imminentem universæ papanæ Ecclesiæ ruinam
averteret.’ — Buchanan, p. 518.

State Papers, v. p. 321. Edinb. July 20, 1543.

‘Tanta seditione quantam ipse vides a cardinale
excitata.’ — Buchanan, p. 518. Spotswood, p. 73.

‘Vi publici furoris abreptus.’ — Buchanan, p. 519.

‘Recta Londinum, multis reclamantibus, est
profectus.’ — Ibid.

State Papers, v. p. 323.

Knox, Ref., p. 109.

‘Ut infamia flagitii minueretur ad vulgus, non
propalam, sed in æde Franciscanorum,... sententiam suam prorex
mutavit.’ — Buchanan, p. 521.

‘He received absolution, renounced the profession of Christ Jesus his holy Evangel.’ — Knox, Ref., p. 109.

State Papers, v. p. 333. Sept. 8, 1543.

‘At that time was our queen crouned’ — Knox, Ref., p.
109.

State Papers, v. 335, 351. Buchanan, p. 524. Bible
Annals, ii. 529. Knox, Ref., p. 110.

Fox, Acts, v. p. 623.

‘Their conferences and assemblies, in hearing and
expounding of Scripture,’ — Ibid. p. 624.

‘Certain priests did eat and drink in these honest men’s houses, to whom they were much bounden.’ — Ibid. p. 625.

‘Variarum copia voluptatum ultra omnem mundanorum
luxuriam exuberant.’ — M. Clamengis, Ep. 35.

Fox, Acts, v. p. 624.

‘Nisi secundum ipsius piæ matris dispensationem.’ — Bernardus de Bustis, Franciscanus, Sermones, 1500.

Fox, Acts, v. p. 624.

‘Women who, contrary to nature, addressed them to
extreme cruelty against him.’ — Fox, Acts, v. p. 623.

Ibid. v. p. 623.

Fox, Acts, v. p. 624.

‘Prophesied of the ruin and plague which came upon the cardinal.’ — Ibid. v. p. 625.

Knox, Ref., p. 118. Fox, Acts, v. pp. 623-625.
Spotswood, pp. 74, 75.

Knox, Ref., p. 119. Spotswood, p. 76.

Knox, Ref., p. 119.

Knox, Ref., p. 119.

‘Urbe spoliata ac deinde incensa... multos pagos
arcesque nonnullas et villas hominum nobilium ferro flammaque
vestarunt.’ — Buchanan, p. 525.

State Papers, v. pp. 361-366.

Emery Tylney’s Account. — Fox, Acts, v. p. 626.

Knox, Ref., p. 127. Scots’ Worthies, p. 28.
Spotswood, p. 76.

Or Leifnorris. See Laing’s note, Knox, Ref., p. 127.

Ibid.

Knox, Ref., p. 44. Scots’ Worthies, p. 20. Hist.,
p. 129.

Knox, Ref., p. 130.

Knox, Ref., p. 131.

Knox, Ref., p. 131.

Ibid. Scots’ Worthies, pp. 29, 30. Spotswood, p. 77.

Knox, Ref., p. 133. Some MSS. read ‘copestone,’
‘keapestone,’ — ‘keepestone.’ Spotswood, p. 77.

Knox, Ref., p. 134. Scots’ Worthies, p. 31.

Knox, Ref., p. 135. Scots’ Worthies, p. 31.

This is the first time that Knox speaks of himself in his History (p. 137).

Knox, Ref., p. 138. Scots’ Worthies. Spotswood.

Knox, Ref., p. 143. Diurnall of Occurrents, p. 41.
Spotswood, p. 78.

Knox, Ref., p. 143. Spotswood, p. 79.

Knox, Ref., p. 144. Buchanan, p. 556. Spotswood, p.
79. Fox, Acts, v. 626. Scots’ Worthies, p. 33.

Fox. In Scots’ Worthies, p. 34, the name is written, ‘Winram.’ In Buchanan, ‘Viniramus.’ In Knox, ‘Winram.’

Fox, Acts, v. p. 627.

Fox, Acts, v p. 628. Knox, Ref., p. 152.

Knox, Ref., p. 154.

Fox, Acts, v. p. 630.

‘He wanteth the instrument by which he bindeth or looseth, that is to say, the Word of God.’ — Fox, Acts, v. p. 631.

Fox, Acts, v. p. 633.

‘Nulla judicii aut liberæ disceptationis ibi forma fuit: accusator enim... cum summa verborum acerbitate detonabat.’ — Buchanan, p. 538. Spotswood, pp. 80, 81.

‘Non videri æquum ut pertinax hereticus... ullis
ecclesiæ beneficiis frueretur.’ — Buchanan, p. 538.

Scots’ Worthies, pp. 35, 36. ‘Viros vos esse bonos et in eodem Christi corpore mecum esse sociatos.’ — Buchanan, p. 539.

‘Fenestra... tapetibus, stragulis sericis et pulvinis ornabatur.’ — Buchanan, p. 559.

Fox, Acts, p. 635.

‘At qui nos tam superbe despicit, intra paucos dies non minus ignominiose jacebit quam nunc arroganter cubat.’ — Buchanan, p. 540.

‘Velut pecus ex hara suæ libidini mactaret.’ — Buchanan, p. 540.

‘Domi cum scortis volutetur; foris in cæde innoxiorum et sanguine hæreticorum debaccharetur.’ — Ibid.

‘Discesserunt utrimque animis infensissimis.’ — Buchanan p. 541.

‘Leslius ad suos rediit, intolerandam cardinalis superbiam iis exposuit; facile omnes in cædem ejus conjurarunt.’ — Buchanan, p. 541. Knox, Ref., pp. 172, 173.

‘Cardinalis arcem suam in usum belli
communiebat.’ — Buchanan, p. 542.

Knox, Ref., p. 74.

‘Eos quum semisomnes sigillatim evocassent mortem præsentem si quisquam mutiret, comminati.’ — Buchanan, xv. p. 545.

Knox, Ref., p. 177.

Numbers, ch. xxxv.

Knox, Ref., p. 177.

‘Cadaver exanimatum oculis omnium exponunt, in illo ipso loco unde ipse non multo ante Georgii [Wishart] supplicium tam lætus spectaverat.’ — Buchanan, p. 542.

Spotswood, p. 84.

Spotswood, p. 88. The last of July. Knox, Ref., p. 205. Buchanan assigns the capture of the castle or the capitulation to the month of August 1547. ‘Hæc in mensem Augusti anni MDXLVII. inciderunt,’ p. 543.

Melville’s Diary, pp. 276-278. M’Crie, Andrew
Melville, ii. p. 66.

Second Book of Discipline.

Buckle, History of Civilization, ch. xvi.

See vols. i. and ii. of the second series: The
Reformation in the Time of Calvin.

This thought was expressed to the author by a
distinguished writer, to whom we owe a remarkable History of the
French Revolution, published a few years ago.

‘Singulis momentis de Gallica libelli nostri editione cogitabamus.’ Letter to Francois Daniel; Lausanne, Oct. 13. 1536. Bibl. de Berne. Calvin, Opera, edid. Theol. Argent. vol. x. p. 63. The earliest known edition of the Institution in French is that of 1540.

Vie de Calvin, p. 29. Paris edition of 1864. The Latin edition, speaking of the office of preacher, says, ‘Hoc autem primum recusavit.’

Comment. sur les Psaumes, vol. i. p. ix. Paris, 1859.

Lettres Françaises de Calvin (J. Bonnet), i. p. 270. To the Protector of England.

Lettres Françaises de Calvin, ii. p. 30.

Registers of the Council of Geneva, Sept. 4, 1536.

Lettres Françaises de Calvin to the lords of Berne,
ii. p. 29.

Institution Chrétienne, iv. ch. 12.

‘Iste Gallus.’ — Registers of the Council, Sept. 5, 1536.

Registers of the Council, Sept. 8. The church of St. Germain, where the Council assembled, is near the Hôtel de Ville.

Ruchat, iv. p. 138.

Mémoire de Pierrefleur, p. 152. Ruchat, iv. pp.
130-160.

Ruchat, iv. p. 142.

MS. Pinaut. Ruchat, iv. p. 158.

Ruchat, iv. p. 504.

Ibid. p. 366.

Edicts of the Lords of Berne. Pièces justificatives of Ruchat, iv. p. 500, note 2.

‘Capitaine de la jeunesse.’

Calvin’s Letter to F. Daniel, Lausanne, Oct. 13,
1536. — Bibliothèque de Berne. Calvin, Opp. x. p. 63.

Acts of the Disputation of Lausanne. Mémoire de
Pierrefleur, p. 161. Ruchat, iv. pp. 179, 505.

The Acts of this Disputation form a handsome manuscript volume in folio, preserved in the Library of Berne. The author having worked there in 1859, noticed this volume among others. Subsequently, Professor Gaussen, who had had a large portion of it copied several years before, presented the copy to the author. This narration is therefore drawn up from the original text.

Avoyer was the title of the first magistrate of the
Bernese republic. The baillifs were the deputy governors of the
Bernese dependencies.

Acts of the Disputation. Berne MS. folio xviii.

Acts of the Disputation, fol. xxi. and xxv.

Acts of the Disputation of Lausanne, fol. lxix.

Acts of the Disputation of Lausanne, fol. lxxv. and
xcii.

Edition of Erasmus. 1528.

Some authors name him also ‘Caudy’ or ‘Candy;’ Ruchat writes ‘Tandi.’

Acts, fol. xcii.-clxix.

‘Curia Romana non quærit ovem sine lana.’

Acts, fol. clxxxix., cxc.

Ne Hercules quidem contra duos.

Acts, fol. ccxix.-ccxxi. and cclxi.-cclxiii.

Acts, fol. cclxxiii., cclxxiv., cclxxix.

‘Quod solius papæ pedes omnes principes deosculentur,’ etc. — Dictatus Papæ, Ep. ii. p. 55.

Institution Chrétienne, iv. ch. 6, 7, 8.

Acts of the Disputation, fol. ccxxxviii.

Acts, fol. cclxxxvii.

Farel’s discourse begins at fol. cclxxxv. of the Berne MS. and ends at ccci.; Ruchat, iv. p. 361.

MS. of Lausanne, p. 516. Ruchat, iv. p. 379.

Rollin.

Calvin.

Acts of the Disputation, fol. ccxiii., ccxiv.

Acts, xix. 27.

Mémoire de Pierrefleur, p. 168. Ruchat, iv. p. 380.

Pièces justificatives. Ruchat, iv. p. 520.

Letter from the prince of Soubise to F. de
Loys. — Pièces justificatives de Ruchat, iv. p. 508.

Herminjard, Correspondance, iv. p. 107.

Herminjard, Correspondance, iv. p. 94.

‘Qui magis negligant Viretum nostrum, Bernatesne an
Lausannenses.’ — Ibid. p. 109.

Mémoire de Pierrefleur, p. 110. Ruchat, iv. p. 385. Le Chroniqueur. Herminjard.

Ruchat, iv. p. 374.

MS. of Lutry, p. 77. Ruchat, iv. p. 377.

Herminjard, iv. pp. 62, 92. Ruchat, iv. pp. 365, 411.

Farel’s Letter to the bailiff Naegueli, of Nov. 14,
1536. Herminjard, iv. p. 102.

‘Malunt in sepulcris Ægyptiorum sepeliri, quam manna edere columnaque dirigi in eremo.’ — Bibl. de Neuchâtel. Herminjard, iv. p. 109.

Herminjard, iv. p. 112. Calv. Opp. x. p. 70.

‘Bacchum vere nobis præstitit vel Martem.’ — Farel to Fabri, Dec. 6, Bibl. de Neuchâtel. Herminjard, iv. p. 122.

Edict of the Lords of Berne, Ruchat, iv. p. 378. Prov. xxii. 6.

Ordinances of Reformation of the Lords of Berne, Ruchat, iv. p. 522.

Mémoire de Pierrefleur, p. 166.

‘Faxit Dominus ut ex omnium cordibus idolatria corruat.’ — Calvin’s Letter to Francois Daniel. Bib. de Berne. Herminjard, Correspondance, iv. p. 89. Calv. Opp. x. p. 63.

‘Fratres qui Genevæ et in vicinia Christum annuntiant.’ — Calv. Opp. x. p. 71. Herminjard, iv. p. 105.

Calv. Opp. x. p. 67. Herminjard, iv. p. 119.

Vie de Calvin, in French, p. 29, edit. of 1864. There are three lives of Calvin, which down to the present time have been generally attributed to Theodore Beza. The first (in French), published in 1564, the year of Calvin’s death, is entirely the work of Beza. The second, also in French, but more extensive than the first, is of the year 1565. It is substantially Beza’s, but was published with augmentations by Nicholas Colladon, who was first a pastor at Vandœuvres, then, in 1562, at Geneva, became rector in 1564, and succeeded Calvin in 1566 in the chair of Theology. This life of Calvin was reprinted at Paris in 1864, and the passage we have cited is found in it, p. 29. Lastly, Theodore Beza, in 1575, prefixed to Calvin’s Letters a Life written in Latin. The work of Colladon is perhaps richer as regards facts, although that of Beza is superior in other respects.

Epistle of J. Sadoleto, and Reply of Calvin. Geneva, Fick, 1860.

Calvin’s Letter of Oct. 13 (Library of Berne). Calv. Opp. x. p. 63. Letter from the Council of Strasburg to the Council of Basel, Nov. 4, 1536. Herminjard, iv. p. 95. Calvin is said to have purposed visiting Basel, to set its affairs in order. Our hypothesis appears to us to be more in harmony with the letter.

Buffon.

Calvin’s Farewell. Tronchin MS. Coll. J. Bonnet:
Lettres Françaises de Calvin, ii. p. 574.

‘Post abominationem papismi, verbi virtute hic
prostratam.’ — Calv. Opp. v. p. 319.

‘Jam vero confessionem non sine ratione adjungendam
curavimus.’ — Calv. Opp. v. p. 319.

Calvin, Comment. on Luke, xxiv. p. 45.

Calv. Opp. v. 43.

A version executed by Calvin himself. Opp. v. pp.
317-362.

Opp. v. 323.

Vie de Calvin, p. 30. Paris, 1864.

Calvin on James, i. 6.

Vie de Calvin, p. 29. Paris, 1864.

‘Tunc edita est a Calvino Christianæ doctrinæ quædam veluti formula.’ — Vita Calvini, 1575, narrated by Beza.

See this confession in Latin, Calv. Opp. v. p. 357;
and in French, in the Pièces Justificatives of Gaberel, i. p. 120.
Ruchat, iv. p. 111.

‘Jam vero confessionem solemni jurejurando ab universo populo editam adjungimus.’ — Calv. Opp. v. p. 319.

Registers of the Council, Nov. 10, 1536.

Registers of the Council, Jan. 16, 1537.

Archives of Geneva. Pièces hist., 1170. Gaberel, i. p. 102. Calv. Opp. x. p. 6.

Registers of the Council, Jan. 16, 1537.

Registers of the Council, Jan. 16, 1537.

Registers of the Council, Jan. 30, 1537.

See the Registers of Feb. 5, 6, and 9, 1537, together with the remarks of Flournois appended to one copy of the Registers, p. 1019.

Bolsec, Vie de Calvin, vii.

Rozet, Chron. de Genève, iv. ch. 9.

Registers of the Council, Mar. 13.

Ibid. of the days mentioned.

‘Videbatur initio Sonerius ægre ferre quod exigeretur confessionis formula.’ — Calv. Opp. p. 11. Ed. princ. of Geneva. 1575.

‘Ut plebs decuriatim convocata in confessionem istam juraret.’ — Calv. Opp. (Stras. Br.), v. p. 320.

Registers, July 29. Rozet, Chron. de Genève, iv. ch. 9.

‘In præstando juramento non minor fuit plebis alacritas, quam in edicendo senatus diligentia.’ — Calv. Opp. v. p. 320.

Registers, Sept. 19. Roget, Peuple de Genève, p. 43.

Dedication of the Epître à Tite (1549). Calvin
includes Viret in this friendship.

Saunier, Ordre et manière d’enseigner en la ville de Genève, 1538; reprinted by E. A. Bétant, 1866.

Ibid.

Registers, May 1, 1537.

Six écus are 18 francs (about 15 shillings).

[The French version of the Bible, bearing the name
of Pierre Robert Olivétan, one of the reformers, was published at
Neuchâtel in 1535. — Translator.]

See Registers for the days named. As different dates have been assigned, we add that ours are taken from the Registers. We only make this remark, which we acknowledge is of no great importance, that no one may suspect any trickery in the matter.

Saunier, Ordre et manière, etc.

Froment, Gestes de Genève, p. 239.

Hist. of the Reform. in the Time of Calvin, iii. book 4, ch. 8.

Chronique de Rozet, book iv. ch. 4.

Registers, Mar. 9.

Calv. Opp. v. p. 176.

Ibid. pp. 179 and 180.

Registers, Mar. 13.

Ibid. Mar. 14.

See ‘Briève instruction pour armer tous bons fidèles,’ etc. — Calv. Opp. vi. pp. 49-112; and ‘Contre la secte phantastique et furieuse des Libertins qui se nomment Spirituels.’ — Ibid. pp. 149-248.

Beza, Vita Calvini. Vie de Calvin (in French), p.
31. Paris, 1864.

Vie de Calvin, by Beza-Colladon, p. 31.

Johann Calvin, by Kampschulte, i. p. 295.

‘Alter ecclesiæ turbator majores et diuturniores turbas dedit.’ — Beza, Vita Calv., 1575. p. 5.

Vol. v. book ix. ch. 3 and 4.

‘Ut quocumque venisset, certa suæ turpitudinis impressa vestigia relinqueret.’ — Beza, p. 5.

Calvin’s Letter to Megander, probably of Mar.
1537. — Library of Geneva. Calv. Opp. x. p. 85. Herminjard, iv. p.
187.

Herminjard, iv. p. 187.

‘Voluit Carolus ecclesiam catholicam... semper orare ut resurgant, vitamque futuri seculi corpora defunctorum consequantur.’ — Megander to Bullinger, Mar. 8, 1537. Calv. Opp. x. p. 89.

Ruchat, v. p. 21. Calv. Opp. p. 89.

Vie de Calvin, Beza-Colladon, p. 31.

Ruchat, Hist. de la Réf. v. p. 22. — Calvin’s Letter to Megander. Calv. Opp. x. p. 85.

‘Serveti Hispani pessimum errorem confirmare.’ — Calv. Opp. x. p. 103.

‘Quod id ne timere quidem unquam in mentem
venerit.’ — Calvin to Grynæus. Calv. Opp. x. p. 108.

‘In simplicissima Dei unitate, et Scriptura et ipsa
pietatis experientia, Deum patrem, ejus Filium et Spiritum nobis
ostendunt.’ — Calv. Opp. v. p. 337, and x. p. 83.

Luther, Kirchenpostill (Walch, xi.) am Trinität.

‘Ii quibus tam pietas cordi erat (the opponents of Arius and Sabellius) affirmarunt vere immo Deo tres personas subsistere, seu (quod idem erat) in Dei unitate subsistere personarum trinitatem.’ — Calv. Opp. i. p. 61. Afterwards, Calvin said, ‘Christus ut quatenus Deus est, sit unus cum patre Deus ejusdem naturæ seu substantiæ seu essentiæ, non aliter quam persona distinctus.’ — Ibid. p. 61.

Calvin to Megander. — Ruchat, v. p. 25.

Calvin’s Letters to Megander and Grynæus. — Ruchat,
Hist. de la Réf. v. pp. 22, 23.

Calvin to Megander.

Calvin to Megander.

‘Quam ob causam Calvinus Bernam veniens obnixe petit ut synodus cogeretur, quod abnegatum est homini usque post Paschatis.’ — Fueslin, Epp. Ref. Eccl. Helvet. p. 173.

Calvin, Opp. x. p. 95.

Calvin to Grynæus, Opp. x. p. 106.

Registers of Council of Geneva, May 5 and 11. The florin was rather less than half a franc.

The synod met, not in March, as has been said
(Kampschulte, Johann Calvin, i. p. 296), but two months later. See
preceding note.

‘Quomodo jurisconsulti præcipiunt nempe cum sacco
paratior.’ — Calvin, Epp. x. p. 107.

The Apostles’, Nicene, and so-called Athanasian
Creeds. — Ruchat, v. p. 25.

Matt. vii. 6.

Ruchat, v. pp. 27, 28.

‘Quatenus unus est cum patre Deus, quidquid dici de Deo potes in illum competit.’ — Calv. Opp. x. p. 107.

‘Tantum nolebamus hoc tyrannidis exemplum in ecclesiam induci, ut is hereticus haberetur qui non ad alterius præscriptum loqueretur.’ — Calv. Opp. x. p. 120.

Nos in Dei unius fidem jurasse, non Athanasii, cujus symbolum nulla unquam legitima ecclesia approbasset.’ — The Genevese to the Bernese Ministers. MS. of Geneva, Feb. 1537. Calv. Opp. x. p. 83. Ruchat, v. pp. 24-30.

‘Totum illum saccum nostra refutatione sic exhausimus.’ — Calvin to Grynæus. Calv. Opp. x. p. 107.

Kampschulte, Johann Calvin, i. p. 296.

‘Quantum negotii nobis facturi sint Galli illi...
seditiosi.’ — Megander to Bullinger, Mar. 8, 1537. Calv. Opp. x. p.
89.

Registers of the Council, May 24, 1537.

The authentic Acts of the Council of Berne are to be found in Ruchat, v. p. 39. Calvin, Opp. x. p. 105.

‘Ne abjiciamus eum ab ecclesia, aut tanquam de fide male sentientem notemus.’ — Formula Concordiæ de Trinitate. Berne, Sept. 1537. Ruchat, v. p. 501.

‘Megander est Figuri natus, Simia olim Zwingli
creditus.’ — Conceni Epist. ad Neobulum, Feb. 2, 1538. Luther, Opp.
Walch, xvii. p. 2602. Hunderhagen-Beylage, ii.

Hunderhagen Conflikt, p. 65. Kirchhofer, B. Haller, p. 219.

Buceri Epist. ad Lutherum, Jan. 19. 1537. Hunderhagen Conflikt, p. 72.

Hunderhagen Conflikt, pp. 73, 79.

‘Wie ich myn Husfrow z’ Strasburg yetzt sieh.’ — - Original Protocols of the class of Brugg. Hunderhagen Conflikte, p. 83.

Descartes, Réponses aux cinquièmes objections. Nicole, Essais de Morale.

‘Vitam spiritualem, quam nobis Christus largitur non in eo duntaxat.’ — Calv. Opp. ix. p. 711. Ruchat, v. p. 502. Henry Beylage, 5.

Nec unquam sensi Christum dominum in sacra Cœna præ
sentem localiter.’ — Calvin, Opp. ix. p. 711.

Formula Concordiæ. Bernæ, Sept. 22, 1537. Hunderhagen Conflikte, p. 90.

Registers of the Council, July 3 and Sept. 1, 1537.

Registers of the Council, July 27.

Ibid. Sept. 11.

See Hist. of the Ref., second series, vol. i. book 1; vol. ii. book 3; vol. iii. book 5.

‘Quibus leni primum admonitione...’ — Beza, Vita
Calvini, p. 5.

Register of the Council, Nov. 12.

See second series, vol. iii. book v. ch. 5.

Registers, Nov. 12 and 15, 1537. Rozet, Chron. MS. of Geneva, book iv. ch. 10.

Rozet, Chron. de Genève, book iv. ch. 10. Vie de Calvin, p. 34, Gautier, Hist. MS. de Genève, book v.

Registers, Nov. 25.

Roget, Peuple de Genève, i. p. 51.

Registers, Nov. 25, 1537. Fragments historiques de Grenus. Extraits de F. Rocco, same date. Gautier, etc.

Archives of Berne. Roget, Peuple de Genève, p. 57.

... exultabam, et quis de successu tam bonæ causæ dubitasset?’ — Calvin to Bucer, Jan. 12, 1538. Calvin, Opp. x. p. 137.

Registers, Dec. 10, 1537.

Registers, Dec. 14, 1537.

Ibid.

Registers, Dec. 15, 1537.

Archives of Geneva. Pièces historiques, No. 1162. The original, according to M. Reuss (Calv. Opp. p. 133), is dated Dec. 28. One copy bears date Dec. 22. — [Editor.]

Registers of the day.

Registers, Jan. 1, 1538.

Ibid. Jan. 1 and 2.

Roget, L’Église et l’État de Genève du vivant de
Calvin.

Registers, Jan. 3. Gautier, Hist. MS. de Genève, book vi.

Racine.

This order prevails in the United States of America. In each flock distinction is made between the church, composed of communicants, and the congregation, which consists of all those who, having religious convictions, take part in all the service except the supper. From the congregation the church is regularly recruited; and these two bodies, united in charity together, contribute to the wants of the flock. [This statement is equally true of the orthodox Dissenting churches of Great Britain. — Translator.]

Registers, Jan. 3 and 4, 1538.

Registers, Jan. 16. Chron. MS. de Rozet, book iv. ch. 10.

Letters of Calvin and Tillet, published by the pastor Crottet. p. 38, etc.

Lettres françaises, i. p. 2. Cal. Op., x. p. 147.

Lettres françaises, i. pp. 1-7.

Rozet, Chron. MS. de Genève, book iv. ch. 12.

Registers, Feb. 1.

Rozet, Chron. MS. de Genève, book iv. ch. 10.

Registers, Feb. 12, 1538.

Roget, Peuple de Genève, p. 72.

Registers, Feb. 15 et seq. Chron. MS. de Rozet, book iv. ch. 14.

Registers, March 11. Chron. MS. de Rozet, book iv. ch. 14.

Calvin to Bullinger, Feb. 21, 1538 (Archives of Zurich). Calv. Opp. x. p. 153.

Actes du Chap. de Brugg. Stettler, Berner Chronik.
Hunderhagen, Conflikte, p. 91.

‘In summa hierum zanggten wir ein gut wyl.’ — Actes originaux de la Classe de Brugg. Hunderhagen, Conflikte, p. 101.

‘Die praedikanten von der Statt assend mit uns,’
etc. — Ibid. p. 103.

Luther, Epp. v. p. 83.

Kirchhofer, B. Haller, p. 203. Iselin, Hist. Lexicon.
Hunderhagen, Conflikte, p. 105. Hagenbach, Gesch. d. ersten Baseler
Conf. p. 90.

‘Quo nuntio perinde perculsi fuimus, ac si Bernensem ecclesiam majore ex parte collapsam audissemus’ — Calvin to Bucer. Henry, Beylage, 6, p. 36. Calv. Opp. x. p. 138.

‘Sed quid ille aliud potest, quam suis deliramentis
invertere Evangelii puritatem?’ — Henry, Beylage, p. 39. Calv. Opp. x.
p. 140.

‘Vultus, gestus, verba, color ipse furias, ut inquit, spirabant.’ — Calv. Opp. x, p. 141.

‘Nos ita capitaliter odit.’ — Cal. Opp. x. p. 141.

‘Quos ad verbi ministerium erigit, dignos esse
judicamus, qui in patibulum tollantur.’ — Ibid.

‘Bonos viros, qui a nobis probati sunt, non audet
coöptare, nisi a tota ejus regionis cui destinantur classe, sint
explorati.’ — Ibid.

See J. Calvins Leben, by Paul Henry, Th. D., pastor at Berlin, vol. i. Bevlage, 6, p. 40.

Rozet, Chron. MS. de Genève, book iv. ch. 16.

‘Omnibus ministris qui vicinis ecclesiis præsunt interdictum fuit ne quid haberent negotii nobiscum aut ullo modo commnunicarent.’ — Calvin to Bucer, Jan. 12. Calv. Opp. x. p. 144.

‘Reddat Dominus Cunzeno juxta id quod meritus est. Qui perdere pergunt ecclesiam, perdat eos Dominus.’ — Farel’s Letter to Fabri, Jan. 14, 1538. Calv. Opp. x. p. 145.

Rozet, Chron. MS. de Genève, iv. ch. 16. Roget,
Peuple de Genève, p. 82.

Bolsec, chap. viii.

Kampschulte, Johann Calvin, i. p. 310. Roget, Peuple de Genève, i. p. 83.

‘Quo jure circumcisio plus haberet honoris quam mors
Christi?... Obmutescere coactus esset.’ — Calvin to Haller, Epp. et
Responsa, p. 102. Hunderhagen Conflikte, p. 132.

‘Optimum erat remedium quo periculo obviaretur, si ad vestrum synodum fuissemus vocati. Impetrari non potuit.’ — Calv. ad Tigur. Ratisb., Mar. 31, 1541. Archives of Zurich.

Registers of the day. Chron. MS. de Rozet, book iv.
ch. 13. Roget, Peuple de Genève, pp. 84, 85.

France Protestante, by M. Haag; article Bolsec.

Registers of the day.

‘Um die Berner zu gewinnen und ernstlich in die
Opposition gegen jene (Calvin und Farel) zu verflechten.’ — Hunderhagen,
Conflikte, p. 133.

Chron. MS. of Rozet, book iv. ch. 17.

It was perhaps a reference to Andrew Benoît, one of
the founders of the sect of the Spirituals at Geneva. See p. 299 of
this volume. — [Editor].

Chénier, Elég. xxiii.

Valla, Antidot. in Poggium, book iii. p. 357.

This is the meaning of the above expression, which has been misunderstood by some writers, who have taken it for a gross insult. — See Dict. de l’Académie. Kampschulte, i. p. 310.

Rozet, Chron. MS. de Genève, book iv. ch. 17. Gautier, Hist. MS. book vi.

Rozet, ibid.

Archives of Geneva. Pièces historiques, No. 2101.
Calv. Opp. x. p. 189.

Registers of the day. Gautier, Hist. MS. de Genève,
book vi.

‘Seven days shall ye eat unleavened bread.’ Ex. xii. 15.

Registers of the Council, April 20, 1538.

Calvin to the Church of Geneva, Oct. 8, 1538. — Archives de Genève. Calv. Opp. x. p. 251.

‘Papatus ejuratus; sed extrusa simul a plerisque non fuerant indigna multa flagitia, quæ in ea urbe canonicis et impuro illi clero tot annos addicta diu viguerant.’ — Beza, J. Calv. Vita.

‘Veteres inter quasdam primarias familias inimicitiæ, bello Sabaudico susceptæ, adhuc exercebantur.’ — Ibid.

‘Cum eo usque malum processisset ut civitas privatorum quorundam factione, in diversas partes scinderetur.’ — Ibid.

Rozet, Chron. MS. de Genève, book iv. ch. 15.

Ibid.

‘Quibus leni primum admonitione, deinde graviori
adversus refractarios increpatione, tollendis, quum nihil
proficeret.’ — Beza, J. Calv. Vita.

Calvin’s Farewell to the Genevese Ministers. — Bonnet, Lettres françaises, ii. p. 575.

Michel Rozet, son of Claude Rozet, who was at that time secretary of the council and editor of the Register, was member of the Council of Geneva for nearly sixty years. He was fourteen times elected syndic, and was sent on thirty-four missions into Switzerland, France, and Germany, and to Turin. He concluded several important treaties on the part of Geneva. He was very young at the time of which we are speaking, but as his father played a part there which enabled him to become acquainted with all that took place, no one could be better informed than Michel as to the facts of the period. If there be some touches in the Chroniques which are not found in the Registers of the Council, that does not in any way invalidate his authority. There are some details which a council is unwilling and ought not to insert in its Registers. It is needless to speak of Theodore Beza, who was unanimously elected to represent the Protestants at the famous Colloquy of Poissy, and in honor of whom after his death poets of all nations composed poems in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew to the number of fifty-four.

Rabelais.

‘Doctrinæ potius animorumque urgeamus unitatem, quam cærimoniis ad unguem conformandis morosius insistamus. Indignissimum est enim ut in quibus libertatem Dominus reliquit... servilem præterita ædificatione conformitatem quæramus.’ — Catechismus, sive Christ, relig. institutio, J. Calvino auctore, Basileæ, anno MDXXXVIII. Calv. Opp. v. p. 322. — Calvin printed this work in the year in which he left Geneva; and not after but before his departure; mense Martis. See also Vie de Calvin (Bèze-Colladon), b. 30. Paris, 1864.

‘Nondum ea exstare nobis videbatur ecclesiæ facies quam legitima muneris nostri administratio requireret.’ — Ibid. p. 319.

‘Tunc vero acerrime urebat et discruciabat, quoties
distribuenda erat Domini Cœna.’ — Ibid. p. 319.

‘Omnes tamen promiscue irrumpebant; et illi quidam iram Dei vorabant potius quam vitæ sacramentum participabant.’ — Calv. Opp. v.

Rozet, Chron. MS. de Genève, iv. ch. 18.

Calvin sur le Psaume xxvii. 3.

Bèze-Colladon, Vie de Calvin, p. 34.

‘Ut magno heroicoque spiritu præditi, Farellus et Calvinus... aperte testarentur....’ — Beza, Calvini Vita.

‘Me non leviter perculsum fuisse.’ — Calvin to the Zurich pastors. Pridie Cal. Jun. Henry. Calvin, i. App. p. 82.

‘Incredibile vobis futurum scio si minimam partem vobis referam molestiarum, vel potius miseriarum, quæ toto anno devorandæ nobis fuerunt.’ — Calvin, i. App. p. 82.

‘Nullum præteriisse diem quo non decies mortem
optarem.’ — Ibid.

Rozet, Chron. MS. de Genève, iv. ch. 16. Mém. of
Farel and Calvin to the Lords of Berne. Calv. Opp. x. p. 188. Roget,
Peuple de Genève, p. 92.

Rozet.

Rozet, Chron. MS. de Genève, book iv. ch. 18.

Mémoir by Farel and Calvin to the Lords of
Berne. — Calv. Opp. x. p. 189.

Calvin, Institution Chrétienne, book iv. ch. 12,
paragraphs 9 and 10.

Roget, L’église et l’état à Genève du temps de Calvin, p. 5.

Rozet, Chron. MS. de Genève, book iv. ch. 18.

Calvin, Comment. sur Saint Matthieu, xxiii. 24.

Registers of Councils, April 2. Chron. MS. de Rozet, book iv. ch. 18.

‘Pro retinendo nostro ministerio non minus laboravimus quam si de capitibus nostris certamen fuisset.’ — Calvin to the Pastors of Zurich. Prid. Cal. Jun.

‘Multo facilius tum fuisset, labanti ecclesiæ subvenire, quam penitus perditam restituere.’ — Calvin to the Pastors of Zurich.

Eoque rem perducunt, frustra sese Calvino, cum ejusdem sententiæ collegis, ad reddendam omnium rationem offerente.’ — Beza, Vita Calvini.

Corneille and Bossuet.

Bèze-Colladon, Vie de Calvin, p. 35. Beza says the same thing in his Latin Life: Majore parte meliorem superante.

Rozet, Chron. MS. de Genève, book iv, ch, 18.
Registers, April 23.

Registers, Ibid.

Registers, Beza’s Latin Life of Calvin, the French
Life, Rozet in his Chronicles, subsequently the syndic Gautier in his
History, all report this answer with unimportant variations.

Ruchat, v. p. 66. Trechsel, i. p. 171, etc.

‘Scheinbar,’ Kampschulte, J. Calvin, p. 313.

‘Proinde ingratissima sumus, nisi nos illi devovemus totos.’ — Calvin, Omnibus Christi Evangel. religionem colentibus, 1538, Opp. x. p. 321.

Calvin, Préface des Psaumes, p. ix.

See Hist. of the Reform. 2 series, vol. ii. book iii. ch. 6, and Bonivard, Avis des difformes réformateurs, pp. 149-151.

‘Diligenter cavendum monet, ne simul
conjugamur.’ — Calvin to Farel, Aug. 4, 1538 (Bibl. de Genève). Calv.
Opp. x. p. 23.

Préface des Psaumes, p. ix.

‘Deposita omni contumelia, prorsus a ducis arbitrio
pendere.’ — Calv. Opp. v. p. 321.

‘Advertamus ad id quod Christus clamat: non posse servis suis vulnus imprimi, quin ipse sibi inflictum imputet.’ — Ibid.

‘Ad vos peculiariter sermonem convertimus, O fratres,’ etc. — Calv. Opp. v. p. 321.

‘Sed vigescit potius, florescit, novisque incrementis confirmatur.’ — Ibid. p. 322.

‘Partim ut seditiosis illis ipsorum impetu subversis,’ etc. — Beza, Calvini Vita.

‘Tum vero magno cum bonorum omnium dolore tres illi
edicto parentes.’ — Beza, Calvini Vita.

Labruyère.

Rozet, Chron. MS. de Genève, book iv. ch. 22, Gautier, Hist. MS. de Genève, book vi. Spon, ii. p. 26.

Rozet, Chron. MS. de Genève, book iv. ch. 18.
Registers of the Council, May 7, 10, 16, etc. Hist. MS. of Gautier,
book vi.

The Memoir is preserved in the archives of Geneva,
Pièces historiques, No. 1201. — Calv. Opp. x. p. 190.

These words were uttered in London, in the House of Commons, May 9, 1871, by Sir Roundell Palmer (Lord Selborne), who made the most remarkable speech against the proposal for separation of Church and State.

Archives of Geneva. Pièces historiques, No.
1201. — Calv. Opp. x. p. 188.

Kirchhofer, Das Leben Farels, p. 244.

‘Cupimus a Bernatibus impetratum ut fractionem panis nobiscum accipiant’ (Articuli ipsa manu Calvini scripti, Conventu Tigurino proposito). — Calv. Opp. x. p. 190. See Matt. xxvi. 26; Luke xxiv. 30; 1 Cor. x. 16; xi. 24; Acts xx. 7.

‘Non tamen fenestram ardemus aperire tot turbis, quas jam prospicimus, si aliter fiat.’ — Calv. Opp. x. p. 190.

‘Barbaries enim et inhumanitas non ferenda!’ — Calv.
Opp. x. p. 190.

‘Continuing daily with one accord in the temple, and breaking bread from house to house.’ — Acts ii. 46. ‘Ut frequentior cœnæ usus restituatur; si non secundum veteris ecclesiæ consuetudinem, at saltem singulis quibusque mensibus semel.’ — Ibid.

‘Quum in lascivis et obscœnis cantilenis ac choreis... e sua ditione tales spurcitias eliminent.’ — Calv. Opp. x. p. 190.

Ibid. p. 204.

‘Humiliemur ergo nisi Deo inhumiliationem nostram
tendenti velimus obluctari.’ — Calvin to Farel, Basel, Aug. 4, 1538.
Bibl. de Genève. — Calv. Opp. x. p. 229.

Calvin to Farel, Strasburg, Sept. 1538. — Ibid. p. 246.

‘Dass sie in etlicher Dingen hatten vielleicht zu streng gewesen, und erklärten sich gern weisen zu lassen.’ — Abschied des Tages zu Zurich gehalten. Kirchhofer, Farel’s Leben, i. p. 244.

‘Bey diesem unerbauenen Volk christliche
Sanftmüthigkeit.’ — Ibid.

‘Otiosam enim functionem quidam tueri malunt quam
fructuosam, quidam licentiam pro Christi libertate induxerunt.’ — Calv.
Opp. p. 226. Capito to Farel.

‘Quod vos duo semel tantam urbem reformare non
potueritis.’ — Calv. Opp. x. p. 227.

Rozet, Chron. MS. de Genève, iv. ch. 20.

Farel and Calvin to Bullinger; mid. June 1538. Calv. Opp. x. p. 20.

Hundeshagen, Conflikte, p. 70.

‘Octavo demum die, postquam Bernam appuleramus, Cunzenum eo se recepisse.’ — Calvin to Bullinger, June, 1538; Henry, Beylage, p. 48. Calv. Opp. x. p. 203.

‘Fides ecclesiæ Christi solenniter data.’ — Ibid. p.
53. Calv. Opp. x. p. 207.

‘Exorsus est Cunzenus longas expostulationes, a quibus ad gravissimas contumelias prosiliit.’ — Ibid. p. 49. Calv. Opp. p. 203.

‘Insanientem in extremam rabiem.’ — Ibid.

‘Nulla pæne syllaba erat, de qua non litigarent.’ — Calv. Opp. x. p. 204.

‘Ille nullis rationibus auscultare, sed crudelius semper debacchari.’ — Calv. Opp. x. p. 204.

‘Ex abaco se proripuit; ac toto corpore sic ebulliebat, ut injecta etiam manu retineri a collegis non posset.’ — Calv. Opp. x. p. 50. Calv. Opp. x. p. 204.

Farel to Calvin, Sept. 6, 1540.

Calvin to Bullinger. Berne, May 28, 1538. — Archives of Zurich. Calvin, x. p. 201.

‘Ac ter una hora revocati.’ — Calvin to Bucer. Henry,
Beylage, p. 51. Calv. Opp. x. p. 205.

‘Recepta autem fuerat a paucis seditiosis eodem decreto, quo in Rhodanum præcipitari nos oportebat.’ — Calv. Opp. x. p. 205.

Calvin to Bullinger, Berne, May 20, 1538. Calv. Opp. x. p. 201.

‘Constitit non procul mœnibus collocatas fuisse insidias; in ipsa autem porta considebant armati viginti gladiatores.’ — Calvin to Bucer; Henry, Beylage, p. 52. Calv. Opp. x. p. 206.

‘Jam unum milliare ab urbe aberramus, cum obviam prodiit nuntius qui ingressum interdiceret.’ — Ibid. The Roman mile is doubtless meant, which was about 1,614 yards (1,472 mètres, or about one kilomètre and a half). At this distance from Geneva the messenger met the deputation, at Sécheron, where the hôtel d’Angleterre formerly stood, near the country seats Bartholony and Paccard. According to the first arrangement the reformers were to have stopped at a distance of about four miles (or about six kilomètres), probably near the road called du Saugy, leading to Genthod.

Registers, May 22.

Registers of the day. Hist. MS. de Genève, by Gautier, book vi.

‘Tanta gravitate Ludovicus Ammanus, alter legatus et Viretus, qui Erasmi ac suo nomine loquebatur, causam tractarunt ut flecti multitudinis animi ad æquitatem viderentur.’ — Calvin to Bullinger. Calv. Opp. x. p. 206. Henry, p. 52. Gautier, MS. book vi. Kirchhofer, Leben Farels, p. 249.

‘Clanculum illos submisit.’ — Calvin to Bullinger, Henry, p. 52. Calv. Opp. x. p. 207.

Bonivard, Ancienne et nouvelle police de Genève, Mém. d’Arch. v. p. 414.

‘Vandelius ille apud multos gloriose in via effutivit se venenum nobis letale ferre.’ — Calvin to Bullinger, Henry, p. 52. Calv. Opp. x. p. 207.

‘Ne antequam ipsi adessemus.’ — Calv. Opp. x. p. 207.

‘Illis egressis, unus ex præsidibus senatus articulos nostros recitare cœpit.’ — Ibid.

‘Ad conflandum nobis odium.’ — Ibid.

Most dread, most mighty, high and magnificent lords, etc. The formula employed in addressing the council.

See the Dict. de l’Acad. française, and the definition of the church in all languages.

‘Ita convenerat, ut illo recitante ad inflammandos
animos plebis acclamarent.’ — Calvin to Bullinger, Henry, p. 52, Calv.
Opp. x. p 206.

‘Valuerunt tamen illa flabella ad accendendos in rabiem omnium animos.’ — Ibid.

‘Potius moriendum quam ut ad reddendam rationem audiremus.’ — Calvin to Bullinger, Henry, p. 52. Calv. Opp. x. p. 206.

Registers, 26 June. Rozet, Chron. MS. de Genève.
Gautier, Hist. MS. de Genève.

‘Nisi forte quod duplo aut triplo malum, quam antea, deterius recruduit.’ — Calvin to Bullinger, Henry, p. 53. Calv. Opp. x. 207.

‘Ut mature exsurgat.’ — Calvin to Bullinger, Henry, p. 54 Calv. Opp. x. 208.

Chron. MS. de Genève, book iv. ch. 15, 22, 26.

Gautier, Hist. MS. de Genève, book vi.

‘Nos nullæ fere veniæ dignos, si tam justam vocationem abnueremus.’ — Calvin to Viret. Bibl. de Genève. Calv. Opp. x. p. 202.

‘O scintillantes igne Satanæ oculos et accensum studium in vestrum ministerium dejiciendum.’ — Grynæus to Calvin and Farel. Calvin, Epp. x. 196.

‘Pro eximio monumento Ecclesiæ nostræ
complectimur.’ — Grynæus to Calvin, 1540.

‘Claudio Feræo quem mecum vidisti Basileæ.’ — Calvin,
Epp. p. 25, Mar. 1541, ed. 1575.

‘Servi simus pacis et concordiæ.’ — Calvin, Epp. 11.
Opp. x. 276.

Calvin to Viret, Basel, June 14, 1538. Bibl. de
Genève.

Lettres françaises, i. p. 9.

Jean Zwick to Bullinger, May 17, 1538.

‘Veniemus quo tu voles,’ etc. — Calvin, Epp. p. 6.
Opp. x. 67.

Bonnet, Lettres françaises de Calvin, i. p. 9.

Bonnet, Lettres françaises de Calvin, p. 10.

‘De integro tamen excusari, quoniam et adhibere non poteram.’ — Calvin to Farel, Henry. Calv. Opp. x. p. 236.

‘Classis neocomensis ad ecclesias vicinas.’ April 29, 1541.

‘Licet valde refragati simus.’ — Farel. Pastoribus Tigur. Apr. 30, 1541.

‘Solitæ tunc festinationi.’ — Calvin to Farel, Aug. 4, 1538 (Bibl. de Genève). Calv. Opp. x. 228.

Calvin, Préface des Psaumes.

Ibid.

‘Strenue Lutetiæ pro veritate depugnasset.’ — Beza, Vita Calvini.

‘Miserrimi diei tormenta excipiunt acerbiores noctis cruciatus.’ — Calvin. Epp. p. 10. Opp. x. 273.

‘Suspicio cui velim nolim cogor locum aliquem
dare.’ — Ibid.

Lettres françaises, i. p. 23.

Calvin, Opp. x. 266.

Rather less than a hundred and fifty francs, which would be equivalent to more than two thousand francs of the present day; or about eighty pounds sterling.

Maimbourg, Histoire du Calvinisme, book i.

Calvin to Farel. Aug. 4, 1538. Bibl. de Genève. Calv. Opp. x. p. 228.

Roget, Peuple de Genève, p. 117.

Registers of the Council. Rozet, Chron. de Genève. Gautier, Hist. MS. de Genève. Roget, Peuple de Genève, etc.

Lettres françaises, i. p. 11. See also Rozet, Chron. de Genève, iv. ch. 26.

Calvin, Opp. x. p. 275.

Archives de Genève. Letters of Farel, of June 19,
August 7, and November 8. Roget, Peuple de Genève, p. 136. Calvin,
Opp. x. p. 210.

Fl. Raemond, Naissance de l’hérésie, book vii. ch. i.

‘Quibus tamquam lucidis gemmis, illa tua ecclesia
fulgebat.’ — Beza, Vita Calvini, p. 6.

Bochrich, Mittheilungen aus der Gesch. der Ev. Kirch des Elsass, iii, p. 133.

‘Gallicam ecclesiam, constituta ecclesiastica disciplina plantavit.’ — Beza, Vita Calvini, p. 6. Calv. Opp. x. p. 288.

Letters of Calvin to Farel, 1538, etc. (Bibl. de Genève.) Calv. Opp. x. p. 273. Raemond, in loc. cit.

Calvin’s epistle to Grynæus, prefixed to the Comment. on Ep. to the Romans.

‘Theologiam illic docuit magno cum doctorum omnium
applausu.’ — Beza, Vita Calvini, p. 6.

De la Cène. Calv. Opp. v. pp. 439, 440.

Calv. Opp. v. pp. 458-460.

‘Salutabis Sturmium et Johannem Calvinum reverenter, quorum libellos cum singulari voluptate legi.’ — Luther, Epp. v. p. 211. Calv. Opp. x. 402.

‘Helvetii si idem facerent, jam pax esset in hac controversia.’ The same thought was expressed by several churches. (Mecklenburg, Churpfälz, Würtemberg, Pommern, etc., Kirchenordnungen.)

‘Quod ex Gallia multi propter Calvinum accesserunt
studiosi adolescentes atque etiam litterati viri.’ — Sturm, Antipapp.
vi. p. 21.

‘Ea enim mea nunc est conditio, ut assem a me numerare nequeam.’ — Calv. Epp. edit. of 1575, p. 12. Opp. x. 332.

Calvin to Farel. (Bibl. de Genève.) Opp. x. 315.

Calvin on Romans xii. 10; 1 John v. 1.

Calvin to Bullinger, Strasburg, Mar. 12. (Bibl. de
Genève.)

‘Quia profectum nullum videt, mortem precatur.’ — Calv. Opp. x. p. 331.

‘Pergamus tamen usque ad ultimum spiritum.’ — Calv.
Epp., Mar. 1539.

Calvin’s Letter to Farel, Aug. 4, 1538. Calv. Opp. x. 229. Registers of the Council of Sept. 10, Nov. 28, and Dec. 26, 27, and 31. Rozet, Chron. de Genève, book iv. ch. 24. Gautier, Hist. MS. de Genève, book vi. p. 332. Roget, Hist. pp. 123, 124.

See their titles, France Protestante, vii, p. 60.

Registers of the Council, Dec. 23 and 27, 1538. Rozet, iv. 26. Roget, p. 140. Calv. Opp. x. p. 275.

Registers, Dec. 24 and 27 and Jan. 8 and 9. Rozet,
Gautier, loc. cit.

Calv. Opp. x. p. 354. Letter of June 24, 1539, to the Church of Geneva. ‘Nisi Calvinus serio monuisset ne ob istud ἀδιάφορον litem moverent.’ — Beza, Calvini Vita, p. 6.

See second series, vol. ii. book iii. ch. 15.

Book iv. ch. 28. Gautier, book vi. Registers of the day.

Rozet, Chron. de Genève, book iv. ch. 27.

‘Cum Philippo fuit mihi multis de rebus
colloquium.’ — Calv. Epp., Mar. 1539. Opp. x. p. 331.

‘Iis sine controversia ipse quidem assentitur.’ — Ibid.

‘Qui crassius aliquid requirunt; atque id tanta
pervicacia, ne dicam tyrannide.’ — Ibid.

‘Ut in tanta tempestate ventis adversis aliquantum abscondamur.’ — Calv. Epp., Mar. 1539. Opp. x. p. 331.

‘Formam quam tenent non procul esse a
Judaismo.’ — Epp., April 1539. Opp. x. p. 340.

‘Nimis abundarent in ritibus illis aut ineptis aut certe super vacuis.’ — Ibid.

‘Nec sane justas esse puto discidii causas.’ — Epp.,
April 1539. Opp. x. p. 340.

‘Quod mollitiem animi ejus suspectam habeant.’ — Ibid. p. 328.

‘Rex ipse vix dimidia ex parte sapit.’ — Epp., April
1539. Opp. x. p. 340.

‘Habet mutilum et semilacerum Evangelium, ecclesiam vero multis adhuc nugis refertam.’ — Ibid.

John Lambert.

To Farel, June 21, 1540.

‘Post hoc vexit asinus quidam... qui fune quodam post se trahebat Cæsarem et Papam.’ — Corp. Reform. iii. p. 640.

‘Asinum stantem duobus pedibus.’ — Luther, Epp. v. p.
172.

‘Observata ejus temporis occasione, destitutum tantis pastoribus, gregem facile se intercepturum arbitratus.’ — Beza, Vita Calvini, p. 6.

Registers, June 7, 1540.

‘Sadoletus magna eloquentia homo sed qua imprimis ad opprimendam veritatis lucem abutetur.’ — Beza, Vita Calvini, p. 6.

Bèze-Colladon, Vie de Calvin, p. 38.

See ‘Sadoleti Epistola ad Genevates.’ — Calvini Opera, v. pp. 365-384. We cite the French edition, published at Geneva, 1860.

Kampschulte, Johann Calvin, p. 353.

‘Magnum civitati in eo rerum statu damnum.’ — Beza, Vita Calvini, p. 6.

Registers, Mar. 27, 28, etc. Rozet, Chron. MS. book
iv. ch. 28. Roget, p. 147.

Registers of the day. Rozet, Chron. MS. book iv. ch. 28. Gautier.

Roget, i. p. 163.

Registers, April 29, 1539. Report to the Lords of Berne. Rozet. Gaberel.

‘Omnium injuriarum oblitus.’ — Beza, Vita Calvini, p.
6.

Bèze-Colladon, Vie de Calvin, p. 39.

The original of this letter is in Latin. See Calv.
Opp. v. pp. 385-416. Calvin translated it into French in 1540.
Edition of Geneva, 1860.

Calvin puts this passage into the mouth of any one of the reformed appearing before the supreme tribunal: — ‘Neque iis qui prædicatione nostra edocti ad eamdem nobiscum causam accesserint, deerit quod pro se loquantur quando hæc cuique parata erit defensio: Ego,’ etc. But there is no doubt that he is relating his own history. — Editor.

‘Sadoleto optarem ut crederet Deum esse creatorem
hominum, etiam extra Italiam.’ — Luther, Epp. v. p. 211. Calvini
Opera, x. p. 402.

‘Ad tolerantiam adversus improbos... et ad Dei invocationem imprimis exhortetur.’ — Beza, Vita Calvini, p. 7.

Calvin’s letters to Farel, Sept. 1539, Oct. 8, 1539, and April 10, 1540. Calv. Opp. x. pp. 374-401.

Ruchat, Hist. de la Réform. v. p. 134.

Rozet, Chron MS. book iv. ch. xxxiii. Gautier, Hist. MS. vi. p. 356, says, — ‘There were some ex-priests who visited at certain houses, and whose proceedings were greatly suspected.’ We quote from a copy revised by Gautier himself, which belongs to a member of his family.

Gautier, Hist. MS. iv. p. 356.

Registers, Sept. 15 and 22, 1589. Rozet, Chron. MS.
book iv. ch. xxxiii. Gautier, book vi. pp. 356, 357. Gaberel, Pièces
Justificatives. Roget, Peuple de Genève, p. 157.

Gautier, interpreting this speech, makes him say, — ‘I do not pride myself on making a sect apart.’

‘Sed centum potius aliæ mortes quam ilia crux, in qua millies quotidie pereundum esset.’ — Calvin to Farel, Strasburg, Mar. 29, 1540. Opp. ix. p. 259.

‘Cur non potius ad crucem?’ — Calvin to Viret, Strasburg, May 19, 1540. Bibl. de Genève.

Calvin to Farel, Strasburg, Oct. 1540. Bibl. de
Genève.

‘Ut expeditior multis tricis, Domino vacare possim.’ — Calv. Opp. ix. Bonnet, Récits du seizième Siècle, p. 81.

Calvin on Ephes. v. 28-33.

‘Non sum enim ex insano amatorum genere, qui vitia etiam exosculantur, ubi semel forma capti sunt.’ — Calv. Opp. x. p. 348.

‘Meministi illud Phillippi cogitare te de accipienda uxore.’ — Fontanius to Calvin, Jan. 1541. Bonnet, Récits.

‘Lectissima femina,’ — Beza, Vita Calvini, p. 13.

Bulletin de Protestantisme français.

Beza-Colladon, Vie de Calvin, p. 4.

‘Optima socia vitæ.’ — Calvin to Viret, April 7, 1549. Epp. edition of 1575, p. 84.

‘Fida quidem ministerii mei adjutrix fuit. Ab ea ne
minimum quidem impedimentum unquam sensi.... Hæc animi magnitudo,’
etc. — Ibid.

Lettres françaises de Calvin, i. p. 28, to Du Tailly, July 1540.

‘Advenerat illud tempus quo constituerat Dominus Genevensis Ecclesiæ misereri.’ — Beza, Vita Calvini, p. 7.

Gautier, Hist. MS. de Genève, book vi. p. 341.

Rozet, Chron. MS. book iv. ch. xxix. Gautier, Hist.
MS. book vi. Registers of the Council.

Registers, July 9, 24, and 25, August 5 and 6. Rozet, book iv. ch. xxxi. Gautier.

Registers of the day.

Rozet, Chron. book iv. ch. xxxv. Registers. Gautier.

Beza-Colladon, Vie de Calvin, p. 44.

Registers. Rozet, Gautier, Roget.

Chron. de Rozet, book iv. ch. xxxix. Gautier,
Deposition of Witnesses. Roget.

Bonivard, Ancienne et nouvelle police de Genève, pp. 48-51. Rozet, Chron. MS. ch. xxxix. Gautier, Hist. MS.

Rozet, Chron. MS. book iv. ch. xl.

Bonivard, Ancienne et nouvelle police de Genève, p. 51. See also Registers, Gautier, Bill of Indictment.

Gautier, Hist. MS. book vi. p. 393. Rozet, Chron. MS. de Genève, book iv. ch. xli.

Rozet, Chron. MS. de Genève, book iv, ch. xli.

‘Zwei Tage später hielten die Sieger (die Frömme) in dem Rathhaus ein öffentliches Freudenmahl.’ — Kampschulte, Johann Calvin, p. 303. This Freudenmahl is a fable which the German writer too readily accepted.

‘His veluti spumæ sordibus ejectis, civitas Farellum suum et Calvinum cœpit requirere.’ — Beza, Vita Calvini, p. 7.