His Books
IT N the preface to the only sermon of his ever published Knox says: “Wonder not, Christian reader, that of all my study and travail within the Scriptures of God these twenty years I have set forth nothing in expounding any portion of Scripture except this only rude and indigested sermon, preached by me in the public audience of the Church of Edinburgh the day of the year above mentioned. That I did not, in writing, communicate my judgment upon the Scriptures, I have ever thought and yet think myself to have most just reason. For, considering myself rather called of my God to instruct the ignorant, comfort the sorrowful, encourage the weak, and rebuke the proud, by tongue and lively voice, in these most i corrupt days, than to compose books for the age to come, seeing that so much is written, and that by men of most singular condition, and yet so little observed, I decreed to contain myself within the bounds of that vocation whereunto I found myself especially called.” In spite, however, of this modest disclaimer, Knox is a fairly voluminous author; his works, in the classical edition of David Laing, filling six considerable volumes. Many of them were, indeed, so occasional, called forth by the demands of the hour, that he may hardly have thought of them as serious efforts in literature; but the character thus impressed upon them — of casts taken straight from events — lends to them for posterity a peculiar value; and, together, they at the same time afford a tolerably sufficient image of the author’s mind.
Let us fun through the list of Knox’s works, adding a few words of description and quoting a few brief passages especially characteristic of the mind by which they were produced.
I. An Epistle to the Congregation of the Castle of St. Andrews with a Brief Summary of Balnaves on Justification by Faith. 1548, written on board the galley of Notre Dame. 24 pages.
“That ye may plainly know,” he remarks in the preface, “whereby are Satan and the world overcome, and which are the weapons against which they may not stand, ye shall read diligently this work following; which, I am sure, no man having the Spirit of God shall think tedious or long, because it contains nothing except the very Scriptures of God and meditations of His law; wherein is the whole study of the godly man both day and night, knowing that therein are found only wisdom, prudence, liberty and life. And, therefore, in reading, talking or meditation thereof he is never satiate. But, as for the ungodly, because their works are wicked, they may not abide the light. And therefore they abhor all godly writings, thinking them tedious though they contain not the length of the Lord’s Prayer.”
2. A Vindication of the Doctrine that the Sacrifice of the Mass is Idolatry. 1550, delivered at Durham, in the presence of Bishop Tonstall and other principalities and powers. A highly characteristic utterance, clothed in the form of a scholastic disputation. 37 pages.
3. A Summary, according to the Holy Scriptures, of the Sacrament of the Lord’s Supper. Same date. A supplement to the preceding treatise, setting forth what the Lord’s Supper is, after it has been proved what it is not. 3 pages.
4. A Declaration of the True Nature of Prayer. 1553, before Knox had quitted England, after the death of King Edward VI., to whom a pathetic loo JOHN KNOX
reference is made in a prayer at the end for the new Queen. 20 pages.
5. An Exposition upon the Sixth Psalm of David. Addressed to Mrs. Bowes. 1554, written at Dieppe, when Knox was escaping from England. The hold which England had taken of his heart during the years he had been a preacher there is indicated in the following sentences: “My daily prayer is for the sore afflicted in those quarters. Sometimes I have thought that impossible it had been so to have removed my affection from the realm of Scotland that any realm or nation could have been equally dear unto me. But God I take to record in my conscience, that the troubles present and appearing to be in the realm of England are doubly more dolorous unto my heart than ever were the troubles of Scotland.” 37 pages.
6. A Godly Letter of Warning or Admonition to the Faithful in Lofidon, Neivcastle and Berwick. 1554, dated “upon my departure from Dieppe, whither God knoweth.” This is an affectionate message to those among whom he had laboured in England, and contains many interesting references to his own life there. Its aim is to warn against the idolatry of the Mass, and it contains a sustained comparison between the condition of England and that of Judah in the days of Jeremiah. 51 pages.
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7. Certain Questions concerning Obedience to Lawful Magistrates with Answers by Bullinger. 1554. Extracted from the correspondence of Bullinger, the Reformer of Zurich, with whom Knox became acquainted during his wanderings abroad, after he had been exiled from England. 6 pages.
8. Two Comfortable Epistles to his Afflicted Brethren in England. 1554, written from Dieppe, to which he had returned in the hope of hearing news from across the Channel. “My own estate is this,” says he in the first of these documents: “since the 28 January I have travelled through all the congregations of Helvetia, and have reasoned with all the pastors and many other excellently learned men upon such matters as now I cannot commit to writing; gladly I would by tongue or by pen utter the same to God’s glory.” 18 pages.
9. A Faithful Admonition to the Professors of Gods Truth in England, 1554, written from Dieppe, where Knox was still sojourning, in the hope of receiving news from the opposite side of the Channel. 61 pages.
This is one of his most slashing productions. One item of news that had been wafted across from England to Dieppe was the impending marriage of the Queen to Philip of Spain, the head of the Catholic party in Europe. To both husband and wife he refers in terms the reverse of parliamentary, saying of the latter that “under an English name she beareth a Spanish heart.” But the following outbreak against Gardiner, the persecuting Bishop of Winchester, may be quoted as a classical example of what Knox was able to do in the way of invective: —
“And what is the cause that Winchester, and the rest of his pestilent sect, so greedily would have a Spaniard to reign over England? The cause is manifest. For, as that whole nation surmounteth all others in pride and whoredom, so for idolatry and vain papistical and devilish ceremonies they may rightly be called the very sons of superstition. And therefore are they found and judged by the progeny of Antichrist most apt instruments to maintain, establish and defend the kingdom of that cruel beast, whose head and wound is lately cured within England, which, alas for pity! must now be brought into bondage and thraldom, that pestilent papists may reign without punishment. But, O thou beast! — I speak to you, Winchester — more cruel than any tiger, shall neither shame, neither fear, neither benefits received bridle thy tyrannous cruelty? x-lrt thou not ashamed, bloody beast, to betray thy native country and the liberties of the same? Fearest thou not to open such a door to all iniquity, that whole England shall be made a common stew to Spaniards? Wilt thou recompense the benefits which thou hast received of that noble realm with such ingratitude? Rememberest thou not that England hath brought thee forth? that England hath nourished thee? that England hath promoted thee to riches, honour and high promotion? And wilt thou now, O wretched caitiff! for all these manifold benefits received, be the cause that England shall not be England? Yea, verily, for so wilt thou gratify thy father the Devil and his lieutenant the Pope, whom with all his baggage thou labourest now, with tooth and nail, to flourish again in England. Albeit, like a dissembling hypocrite and double-faced wretch, thou, being thereto compelled by the invincible verity of God’s holy Word, wrotest long ago thy book, entitled True Obedience against that monstrous whore of Babylon and her falsely usurped power and authority, now to thy perpetual shame thou returnest to thy vomit, and art become an open arch-papist again. Furthermore, why seekest thou the blood of Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, of good Father Hugh Latimer, and of that most earnest and discreet man. Doctor Ridley, true Bishop of London? Dost thou not consider that the lenity, the sincere doctrine, pure life, godly conversation and discreet counsel of these three is notably known in more realms than England? Shamest thou not to seek the destruction of those who laboured for the safeguard of thy life and obtained the same, when thou justly deservedst death? O thou son of Satan, well declarest thou that nothing can mollify the cruel malice nor purge the deadly venom of him in whose heart the Devil beareth dominion. Thou art brother to Cain and fellow to Judas, the traitor; and therefore canst thou do nothing but thirst the blood of Abel and betray Jesus Christ and His eternal verity.”
It was this tract that was employed for the ‘T“/ purpose of chasing Knox from Frankfort, as has been mentioned above; and his opponents on that occasion made the following extraordinary statement about the effects it produced in England:” This we can assure you, that that outrageous pamphlet of Knox’s added much oil to the flame of persecution in England. For, before the publication of that work, not one of our brethren had suffered death; but, as soon as it came forth, we doubt not but that you are well aware of the number of excellent men who have perished in the flames; to say nothing of how many other godly men besides have been exposed to the risk of all their * Works, ill. 297-9.
property, and even life itself, upon the sole ground of either having had this book in their possession or having read it; who were perhaps rescued from the sword at greater cost and danger of life than the others offered their necks to it” But it is not to be forgotten that this statement comes from partisans, whose notions, as their own last words appear to prove, were not as clear as their prejudices were emphatic.
The whole treatise, it may be added, is in the form of a commentary on the miracle of Christ walking on the water; and its purpose is to warn professing Christians against the sin of attending Mass, “under pretence that they may keep faith secretly in the heart and yet do as idolaters do, begin now to fall before that idol.”
10. A Letter to the Queen Dowager Regent of Scotland, 1556, written during Knox’s momentous visit to Scotland on the occasion of his marriage. It was republished in 1558, in an augmented but certainly not improved version. In its original form it might be quoted as a good example of Knox’s style, when he wrote under the restraint of good sense and good feeling; but he marred it in the second edition by giving way to angry passion. 10 pages.
11. An Exposition upon Matthew iv., concerning the Temptation of Christ in the Wilderness. 1556, delivered as a sermon in Scotland and written out subsequently at the request of some hearer. It is an unfinished production, these words beginning the last paragraph: “Sundry impediments now do call me from writing in this matter; but, by God’s grace, at convenient leisure, I purpose to finish and to send unto you. I grant, the matter that proceedeth from me is not worthy your labour and pains to read it; yet, seeing it is a testimony of my good mind towards you, I doubt not but you will accept it in good part.” 20 pages.
12. Answers to some Questions concerning Baptism, 1556, apparently also connected with the same visit to Scotland. The question is whether baptism in the Roman Church is valid, or whether Protestants require to be rebaptized. There are also questions about the eating of blood and about tithes. 10 pages.
13. A Letter of Wholes me Counsel, addressed to his Brethren in Scotland. 1556, as he was leaving the country. 8 pages.
14. The Form of Prayers and Ministration of the Sacraments used in the English Congregation at Geneva. 1556, Knox being then minister there. 57 pages.
I 5. Letters to his Brethren and the Lords professing the Truth in Scotland. 1557, written from Dieppe, on the occasion of a false start for Scotland. Refers to two new dangers to the cause — false teachers and dissolute preachers even among Protestants. 26 pages.
16. An Apology for the Protestants who arc holden in Prison at Paris; translated fron the French with Additions. 1557, written at Dieppe, where Knox was waiting for news from Scotland. The Additions are in his liveliest manner. 49 pages.
17. The First Blast of the Trumpet against the Monstrous Regiment of Women, 1558. “Regiment” means Government. 60 pages.
18 The Appellation from the Sentence pronounced by the Bishops and Clergy: addressed to the Nobility and Estates of Scotland. 1558, written before his final return to Scotland. At the close of his previous visit, the Romanists had burnt him in effigy, after degrading him from the priesthood and consigning his soul to hell and his body to the tender mercies of the secular arm. Knox appeals first, as Luther had done, to a General Council, but also to the nobility of his native land, against the machinations of “false prophets, flattering friars, and other such venomous locusts.” 53 pages.
ig. A Letter addressed to the Commonalty of Scotland. 1558, same occasion. 15 pages.
20. A n Epistle to the Inhabitants of Newcastle and Berwick. 1558, written from Geneva; seems to indicate that the persecutions of Mary Tudor had nearly obliterated the work of the Reformation in the North of England. 19 pages.
21. A Brief Exhortation to Englmid, for the Speedy Embracing of the Gospel. 1558, same occasion. Subjoined is a list of the names of the martyrs who had suffered during the reign of Bloody Mary. 20 pages.
22. An Answer to the Cavillations of an Adversary respecting the Doctrine of Predestination. 1560. 448 pages.
23. The Reasoning hetwixt the Abbot of Crossraguel and fohn Knox concerning the Mass. 1562. This disputation took place at Maybole in September of this year, and the Abbot of Crossraguel was Quentin Kennedy, son of the Earl of Cassilis, born 1520, died 1564. He was the author of several works in defence of the old Church; but on this occasion he behaved like a sulking salmon, which no skill of the angler can move; for he dived to the bottom at the very commencement of the argument, alleging that the Mass was typified by the bread and wine offered by Melchizedec to Abraham; and Knox endeavoured in vain to broaden the scope of the discussion. 48 pages.
24. A Sermon on Isaiah xxvi. 1-2 1^ preached in St. ales’ Church, Edinburgh, 19 August 1565- For preaching this sermon, which gave offence to-Darnley, who heard it, Knox was silenced; and he printed it in self-vindication. 44 pages.
25. The Book of Common Order; or the Form of Prayers and Ministration of the Sacramettts approved and received by the Church of Scotland. 1 564.
26. The Order of the General Fast and the Form of Excommunication approved by the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland. 1566. 78 pages.
27. An Answer to a Letter written by fames Tyrie a Scottish fesuit. 1572. Tyrie had endeavoured to convert his own brother, a Protestant, to the old faith, “with all the dog eloquence that Satan can devise for suppressing the free progress of the Evangel of Jesus Christ “; and the brother requested Knox to write an answer. 40 pages.
28. Letters by, to, and about Knox. These extend from 1553 to 1572. The majority of them are addressed to female correspondents and reveal a side of Knox’s personality which Mr. Taylor Innes has delineated with inimitable sympathy and insight in a chapter of his fohn Knox entitled “His Women Friends.” 230 pages.
29. The History of the Reformation of Religion within the Realm of Scotland. This is Knox’s masterpiece, and forms vols. i. and ii. of his Collected Works. He was moved to undertake it by the Lords of the Congregation, who desired a no JOHN KNOX
vindication of their conduct towards Mary of Lorraine to be placed on record. In fulfilment of this instruction he penned Books II. and III., which supply an account by a keen eye-witness of the most momentous years of Scottish history — that is to say, from the commencement of the struggle with Mary of Lorraine to the arrival of Mary Queen of Scots in the country; the author printing verbatim the documents on both sides, in which the very soul of the struggle was embodied. He was afterwards persuaded to add Book I., in order to explain the historical origin of the Reformation, by going back to the earliest efforts towards reform, and especially to the fortunes of his own predecessors, Hamilton and Wishart. In 1556, when Queen Mary had upset her own throne, Knox added Book IV., the most interesting of all, in which occur his interviews with the Queen; the story being brought down to 1564. Book V. is a compilation by an editor, who made use of papers left by Knox in an unfinished state; it brings the story down to 1 566.
As Dr. Hume Brown has well observed, the most prominent characteristic of Knox as a historian is his abounding vitality. “From the * meary bourds ’ with which he enlivens his narrative we may infer that his daily conversation was not always of justification and predestination; but that he could tell his story and exchange his jest as time and place were fitting. What distinguishes him from men like Calvin or Savonarola is precisely that’ sense of a humorous side of things, which made him at once a great writer and a great leader of men. Of the value of this quality in the conduct of human affairs he was himself perfectly conscious, and deliberately employed it, both in his writings and in his dealings with his fellows. ‘Melancholiusressouns,’ he said in one of his debates with Lethington, ’ wald haif sum myrth intermixed.’ Studied anticlimax, grim irony, humorous exaggeration are as distinctively his characteristics as they are those of Carlyle, in whom also these are relieving qualities to narrow intensity and an overbearing temper. With humour is usually found pity and the power of pathos; and in Knox, more than once, his harsh austerity softens into a mood the more impressive that it comes so seldom.” He has the power, which someone has ascribed to Dante, of seizing a character by the scalp, bending back the head, and imprinting on the brow an ineffaceable brand. The instinct for documents, the power of vision and the power of expression, with a patriotism which enables him to sympathize with the fortunes of the country the history of which he is narrating, Hume Brown: John Knox, ii. 224.
may be mentioned among his prominent qualities as a historian. Of the last-mentioned quality a little trait occurs to me, in which Knox describes the treatment of “a born Scottish man,” by one of the French soldiery imported by Mary of Lorraine: “There was a poor craftsman, who had bought for his victuals a grey loaf, and was cutting a morsel of it, and was putting the rest of it in his bosom. The tyrant came to him and, with the poor caitiff’s own whinger, first struck him in the breast and, after, cast it at him; and so, the poor man staggering and falling, the merciless tyrant ran him through with his rapier, and thereafter commanded him to be hanged over the stair. Lord, Thou wilt yet look, and recompense such tyranny, how contemptible that ever the person was.”
One or two specimens may be given of the author’s most characteristic vein; and in the second of these it will be noticed that he is dealing with a subject — the martyrdom of Wishart — in which, it is certain, his deepest feelings were engaged; and yet he cannot refrain from giving way to a derisive and sarcastic style.
“At last at God’s good pleasure arrived John Willock the second time from Embden; whose return was so joyful to the brethren that their zeal and godly courage daily increased. And, albeit he contracted a dangerous sickness, yet he ceased not from labours, but taught and exhorted from his bed: some of the nobility (of whom some are fallen back, amongst whom the Lord Seaton is chief), with many barons and gentlemen, were his auditors, and by him were godly instructed and wondrously comforted. They kept their conventions and held counsels with such gravity and closeness that the enemies trembled. The images were stolen away in all parts of the country; and in Edinburgh was that great idol called Saint Giles first drowned in the North Loch, afterwards burnt, which raised no small trouble in the town. For, the friars croaking like ravens upon the bishops, the bishops ran upon the Queen, who to them was favourable enough, but that she thought it could not stand with her advantage to offend such a multitude as then took upon them the defence of the Evangel and the name of Protestants. And yet consented she to summon the preachers; whereat the Protestants, neither offended nor yet thereof afraid, determined to keep the day of summons; as that they did. Which perceived by the prelates and priests, they procured a proclamation to be publicly made, that all men who were come to the town without commandment of the authority “Towping.”
S should with all diligence repair to the Borders and
there remain fifteen days; for the Bishop of
Galloway, in this manner of rhyme, said to the
Queen:
Madame, because they are come without order, I red ye, send them to the Border.
“Now SO had God provided that the quarter of the West-land (in the which were many faithful men) was that same day returned from the Border; who, understanding the matter to proceed from the malice of the priests, assembled themselves together, and made passage to themselves, till they came to the very privy chamber, where the Queen Regent and the bishops were. The gentlemen began to complain upon their strange entertainment, considering that her Grace had found in them so faithful obedience in all things lawful. While the Queen began to craft, a zealous and a bold man, James Chalmers of Gadgirth, said: ‘Madam, we know that this is the malice and device of these knaves and of that bastard (meaning the Bishop of St. Andrews) that stands by you. We avow to God, we shall make a day of it. They oppress us and our tenants for feeding of their idle bellies; they trouble our preachers and would murder them and us. Shall we suffer this any longer? No, Madam, it shall not be.’ And therewith every man put on his steel bonnet. There was heard nothing of the Queen’s part but ‘My joys, my hearts, what ails you? Me means no evil to you or your preachers. The bishops shall do you no wrong. Ye are all my loving subjects. Me knew nothing of this proclamation. The day of your preachers shall be discharged, and me will hear the controversy that is between the bishops and you. They shall do you no wrong.” My lords,’ she said to the bishops, ‘I forbid you either to trouble them or their preachers.’ And unto the gentlemen, who were wonderfully commoved, she turned again and said, ‘O my hearts, should ye not love the Lord your God with all your heart, with all your mind, and should ye not love your neighbours as yourselves? ‘With these and the like fair words she kept the bishops from buffets at that time.
“And so, the day of summons being discharged, began the brethren universal to be further encouraged. But yet could the bishops in no sort be quiet; for. Saint Giles’ day approaching, they gave charge to the Provost, Baillies and Council of Edinburgh, either to get again the old Saint Giles or else upon their expense to make a new image. The Council answered that to them the Frenchwoman’s pigeon English. charge appeared very unjust; for they understood that God in some places had commanded idols and images to be destroyed; but where He had commanded images to be set up they had not read, and desired the bishop to find a warrant for his commandment. Whereat the bishop offended, admonished under pain of cursing; which they prevented by a formal appellation, appealing from him, as from a partial and corrupt judge, unto the Pope’s Holiness; and so, greater things shortly following, that passed into oblivion.
“Yet would not the priests and friars cease to have that solemnity and manifest abomination which they usually had upon Saint Giles’ day; to wit, they would have that idol borne; and, therefore, was all preparation necessary duly made. A marmoset idol was borrowed from the Grey Friars (a silver piece of James Carmichael was laid in pledge). It was fast fixed with iron nails upon a barrow called the fertor. There assembled priests, friars, canons, and rotten papists, with tabrets and trumpets, banners and bagpipes; and who was there to lead the ring but the Queen Regent herself with all her shavelings for honour of that feast! West about goes it and comes down the High Street, and down to the Canoncross. The Queen Regent dined that day in Sandie Carpetyne’s house between the Bows; and so, when the idol returned back again, she left it and passed in to her dinner. “The hearts of the brethren were wonderfully inflamed, and, seeing such abomination manifestly maintained, were decreed to be revenged. They were divided into several companies, whereof not one knew of another. There were some temporisers that day (amongst whom David Forres, called the General, was one), who, fearing the chance to be done as it fell, laboured to stay the brethren. But that could not be; for, immediately after that the Queen was entered in the lodging, some of those that were of the enterprise drew near to the idol, as willing to help to bear him, and, getting the fertor upon their shoulders, began to shudder, that thereby the idol should have fallen. But that was prevented by the iron nails, as we have said; and so began one to cry, ‘Down with the idol! down with it! ‘And so without delay it was pulled down. Some brag made the priests’ patrons at the first; but, when they saw the feebleness of their god — for one took him by the heels, and, thumping his head to the causeway, left Dagon without head or hands, and said, ‘Fie upon thee, thou young Saint Giles, thy father would have ^” dadding.” tarried for such ’ — this considered (we say) the priests and friars fled faster than they did at Pinkie Cleuch. There might have been seen so sudden a fray as seldom has been seen among that sort of men within this realm; for down go the crosses, off go the surplices. The Grey Friars gaped, the Black Friars blew, the priests panted and fled, and happy was he that first got to the house; for such a sudden fray came never amongst the generation of Antichrist within this realm before.”
The second extract also deals with a tumult of the old religion: —
“How the servant of God was entreated, and what he did from the day that he entered within the Sea-tower of Saint Andrews, which was in the end of January in the year of God 1546, unto the first of March the same year, when he suffered, we cannot certainly tell, except we understand that he wrote somewhat being in prison; but that was suppressed by the enemies. The Cardinal delayed no time, but caused all bishops, yea, all the clergy that had any preeminence to be called to Saint Andrews against the penult of February, that consultation might be had on that question which in his mind was no less resolved than Chri.st’s death * History y i. 256 ff.
was in the mind of Caiaphas; but, that the rest should bear the like burden with him, he would that they should before the world subscribe whatsoever he did. In that day was wrought no less a wonder than was at the accusation and death of Jesus Christ, when that Pilate and Herod, who before were enemies, were made friends by consenting of them both to Christ’s condemnation; differing nothing except that Pilate and Herod were brethren, under their father the Devil, in the estate called temporal, and these two of whom we are to speak were brethren, sons under the same father the Devil, in the estate ecclesiastical. If we interlace merriness with earnest matters, pardon us, good reader; for the fact is so notable that it deserveth long memory.
“The Cardinal was known proud; and Dunbar, Archbishop of Glasgow, was known a glorious fool; and yet, because he was called sometimes the King’s Master, he was Chancellor of Scotland. The Cardinal comes even this same year, in the end of harvest before, to Glasgow; upon what purpose we omit. But, while they remain together, the one in the town the other in the Castle, question rises for bearing of their crosses. The Cardinal alleged, by reason of his cardinalship, that he was Legatus Natus and Primate within Scotland in the kingdom no JOHN KNOX
of Antichrist, that he should have the preeminence, and that his cross should not only go before, but that also it should only be borne wheresoever he was. Good Gukstoun Glaikstour, the foresaid Archbishop, lacked no reasons, as he thought, for maintenance of his glory: he was an Archbishop in his own diocese and in his own cathedral-seat and church, and therefore ought to give place to no man. The power of the Cardinal was but begged from Rome, and appertained but to his own person and not to his bishopric; for it might be that his successor should not be cardinal; but his dignity was annexed with his office, and did appertain to all that ever should be Bishops of Glasgow. Howsoever these doubts were resolved by the doctors of divinity of both the prelates, yet the decision was as ye shall hear. Coming forth (or going in, all is one) at the choir-door of Glasgow Kirk, begins striving for state between the two cross-bearers, so that from glooming they come to shouldciring; from shouldering they go to buffets, and from dry blows to fists and fisticuffs; and then, for charity’s sake, they cry, Dispersit, dedit pauperibus, and essay which of the crosses was finest metal, which staff was strongest, and which bearer could best defend his master’s preeminence; and, that there should be no superiority on that behalf, to the ground go
HtS IDEAS 121
both the crosses. And then began no little fray, but yet a merry game; for rochets were rent, tippets were torn, crowns were knapped, and sidegowns might have been seen wantonly wag from one wall to the other. Many of them lacked beards, and that was the more pity, and, therefore, could not buckle other by the hair,^ as bold men would have done. But fie on the jackmen, that did not their duty; for, had the one part of them rencountered the other, then had all gone right. But the sanctuary, we suppose, saved the lives of many. How merrily that ever this be written, it was bitter mirth to the Cardinal and his court. It was more than irregularity; yea, it might well have been judged lese majeste to the son of perdition, the Pope’s own person; and yet the other, in his folly as proud as a peacock, would let the Cardinal know that he was a bishop, when the other was but Beaton, before he got Aberbrothock. This enmity was judged mortal and without all hope of reconciliation.”
“byrse.”
“bowrding.”
3 History i. 144 ff.