Samuel Wesley, Rector of Epworth, Father of the Rev. John Wesley
We have already seen that John Wesley, vicar of Whitchurch, Dorsetshire, left two sons, Matthew and Samuel. Of the former we have spoken according to the scanty documents which remain. Of the latter we have more copious materials, with some original information which has never yet been laid before the public.
Mr. Samuel Wesley appears to have been born at Whitchurch in the year 16G2. He was educated at the free-school at Dorchester, and afterwards he became a pupil in Mr. Morton’s academy among the Dissenters; and in both places he appears to have profited much in classical learning; though there were many things in the private academies of the Dissenters with which he found fault, and which from one of his publications on the subject, we learn were very reprehensible: but they appear to have been chiefly of a political nature. His objections to the manner in which the Dissenting academies were conducted he stated in a private letter to a friend; who several years after, without Mr. Wesley’s consent or knowledge, published the letter, which produced a controversy that shall be noticed in its proper place.
Mr. Samuel Wesley was designed for the ministry among the Nonconformists; and in their principles he had been carefully educated. How he came to change his views, and become a zealous churchman, his son, the late Mr. John Wesley, stated as follows: —
“Some severe invectives being written against the Dissenters, Mr. S. Wesley being a young man of considerable talents, was pitched upon to answer it. This set him on a course of reading which soon produced an effect very different from what had been intended. Instead of writing the wished for answer, he himself conceived he saw reason to change his opinions; and actually formed a resolution to renounce the Dissenters, and attach himself to the Established Church.
“He lived at that time with his mother and an old aunt, both of whom were too strongly attached to the Dissenting doctrines to have borne with any patience the disclosure of his design. He, therefore, got up one morning at a very early hour; and, without acquainting any one with his purpose, set out on foot to Oxford, and entered himself of Exeter College.”
Mr. Wesley has been accused by Mr. Palmer and others, that “when he resolved to go to the Church of England, he took twenty pounds of the Dissenters’ money, and then left them.” — Palmer’s Defence, p. 20. This charge is most disingenuously produced; as it seems to insinuate that he had purloined so much of their property, and then decamped. Whereas the truth is, he had receive twenty pounds of a legacy, part of which he immediately paid Mr. Morton, at whose academy he was; with the rest he discharged some debts which he owed to the Dissenters., and took not one farthing of it to Oxford; the money necessary for fas footing it thither being other? wise suppYied.-rr-Answer, p. 57*
Mr. S. Wesley was at this time about twenty-two years of age; for from the registers of Exeter College it appears that his caution money was paid to Mr. Richard Hutchins, fiursar, by Mr. William Crabb, then Dean of that College, on September 26, 1684, which, was returned December 22, 1686.
The whole entry as obtained from Exeter College, and given by Mr. Southey, is as follows: —
Deposit of Caution Money.
Sept. 26, 1684.
Mrp. Hutchins pro Samuele Westley, paup. Schol. de Dorchester, £3.
Ric. Hutchins,
Guil. Crabb.
Feb. 9, 1686. Mro. Paynter, pro. Samuele Westley, p. schol. olim admisso. £3.
Guil. Paynter.
Ric. Hutchins.
Return of Caution Money.
Dec. 22, 1686. [5?]
Saraueli Westley, pro seipsq. £3,
Ric. Hutchins.
Samuel Westley,
Jan. 10, 1687.
Mihi ipsi pro impensis Coll. debitis
ad fest. Nat. 87. £3.
Jo. Harris.
From this entry it would appear that Dean Crabb laid down the first caution money for Mr. S. Wesley. There is a note on these entries as given by Mr. Southey, which I shall copy?
“The pauper scholaris was the lowest of the four conditions of members not on the foundation, as the annexed table, copied frgm one prefixed to the Caution Book, shew*::
Summsetradendae
r i. Commensalium y 1. Sociorum..
admissorum ad
mensam ) 2. Propriam. .*
£6
Bursario pro
ratione
diversaruraconditionum
2. Battallariorium...
3. Pauperum Scholarium
£4
£3.
£5
scire
“There seems reason to suspect that December 22, 1686, in the first entry of return should be 1685; for otherwise Samuel Westley will appear to have two cautions in at once; and from the state of his finances, this is peculiarly impiobable”
I do not see any difficulty here. The entry is most probably correct; for, in two years after his admission, so fertile a genius and so diligent a man might be well supposed to be capable of raising such requisite small sums: for in the preceding year 1685 he had published his first work, intituled Maggots, for which his brother-in-law, J. Dunton the publisher, gave him as much as he could afford. He took his bachelor’s degree in 1688.
Though Mr. Wesley’s opinions might on this occasion have been much shaken, yet he was not wholly detached from the Dissenters either in affection or religious fellowship till after his return from the University. I shall give the relation in his own words, which must be considered as the only true account.
[Mr. Wesley states that he left the Dissenters in 1693; and in that same year it appears he entered into the Church, and got either a Curacy or a hiving. I dare not vouch for the correctness of this statement. It is possible that both events took place in the same year.]
“When I came from the University, my acquaintance lay chiefly among the Dissenters; having scarce any intimacy before I went thither from London with any of the Church of England, unless with two Rev. and worthy persons, my relations, who lived at a great distance; one of whom coming to London, was so kind as to see me while I was at Mr. Morton’s; and gave me such arguments against that schism which I was then embarked with, as added weight to my resolutions when I began to think of leaving it. But after my return to London 1 contracted an acquaintance with a gentleman of the Church of England who, knowing my former way of life, did often importune me to give him an account in writing of the Dissenters’ methods of education in their private academies; concerning which he had heard several passages from me in conversation, though for some time I did not satisfy him therein; and it was the following
remarkable occurrence which altered my inclinations as to that affair.
I happened to be with some of my former acquaintance at a house
in Leadenhall-Street, or thereabouts, in the year 1693. All of them
I remember were then Dissenters, except one, and he has since left
the Church of England. Their discourse was so fulsomely lewd and
profane, that I could not endure it; but went to the other side of the
room with a doctor of Physic; who had been my fellow-pupil at
Mr. Morton’s; and to whom I owe that justice to declare that he
likewise disliked the conversation.
“A little after we went to supper: but then the scene was changed; and they all fell a railing at Monarchy, and blaspheming the memory of king Charles the martyr, discoursing of their calves-head club, and producing or repeating some verses on that subject. I remember one of the company told us of a design, that they had at their next calves-head feast, to have a cold pye served on the table, with either a live cat or hare, I have forgot whether, enclosed; and they contrived to put one of their company who loved monarchy, and knew nothing of the matter, to cut it up; whereupon, and on the leaping out of the cat or hare, they were all to set up a shout, and cry, Halloo old puss! to the honour of the good old cause, and to shew their affec* tion to a commonwealth. Since I wrote this, I got a sight of the calves-head anthems; and in that for the year 1694 I find these verses, —
“Then to puss, boys; to puss, boys!
“Let us drink it off thus, boys!”
on which, if I mistake not, this story will be a good comment.
“By this as well as by several other discourses which I heard among them, I found that their principles were not at all altered: and these conversations so turned my stomach against them, and gave me such a just indignation against such villainous principles and practices, that I returned to my lodgings, and resolved to draw up what the gentleman desired, &c. Defence of Letter, fyc. p. 4.
This is his own account of his utterly separating himself from the communion of the Dissenters; though his mind appears to have had a predisposing bias to that separation for some time.
But, though neither a Dissenter, nor their apologist, I must observe that the conclusions which Mr. S. Wesley drew were not entirely supported by the premises. Perhaps a more barbarous, abominable, and sickening institution than the calves-head club never disgraced the convivial assemblies of a Christian country; and those who were
Capable of sitting down to such a repast, with its concomitant repre* sentations and recollections, could not, I imagine, hesitate, if among our Antipodes in New -Zealand, to sit down to have their share of a roasted human victim. But still the calves-head club was not the body of the Dissenters; nor was it ever approved by that body; therefore its proceedings are not fairly chargeable upon the Dissenters; some classes of whom were cordially averse from the death of the king, though they had a deep conviction that his aim was to establish an arbitrary power in the State, and Popery in the Church: and let me add, that they were among the foremost to restore the monarchy.
Mr. S. Wesley’s ancestors were all Dissenters. They had many conscientious scruples against joining in the communion of the Church, and admitting its hierarchy; yet it does not appear that there Was one disloyal man among them: and in the heat of his zeal for the Church, after his conversion from Dissenting principles, Mr. S. Wesley in his controversial writings often overstepped the bounds of Christian moderation. But in those unhappy times all parties ran into extremes.
When Mr. S. Wesley entered himself at Oxford, he had only two pounds Jive shillings; and no prospect of future supplies, except from his own exertions. However he supported himself by publishing, and probably by assisting the younger students, till he took his bachelor’s degree, without any preferment or assistance from his friends, but only Jive shillings. See his letter to his brother Mat Shew.
He now came to London, having increased his little stock to ten pounds Jif teen shillings. He was ordained deacon, and obtained a curacy of twenty*eight pounds per annum, which he held one year 5 and was then appointed a chaplain aboard the fleet, where he had seventy pounds per annum. This appointment he held for only one year; and then came to London, and obtained another curacy of thirty pounds per annum (see the above letter to his brother Matthew,) which he held two years; and which income by his industry and writings he raised to sixty pounds per annum.
He then married; had a son (Samuel;) and he, his wife and child, lived in lodgings; till some years after, in 1693, he had the living of South Ormshy in the county of Lincoln given to him, worth about fifty pounds per annum.
This I believe was the place of which Mr. John Wesley gave the following account
“My father’s first preferment in the church was a small parish (South Ormsby) given him by a nobleman, (Marquis of Normanby.) This nobleman had a house in the parish, where a woman who lived
with him usually resided. This lady would be intimate with my mother, whether she would or not. To such an intercourse my father would not submit- Coming in one day, and finding this intrusive visitant sitting with my mother, he went up to her, took her by the hand, and very fairly handed her out. The nobleman resented the affront so outrageously as to make it necessary for my father to resign the living” While he possessed the living of South Ormsby he had five children.
I have already hinted that while at college, Mr. Wesley supported himself partly by publishing. As this circumstance is but little known, I shall be more particular in my statement of it.
Mr, Wesley’s intimacy in the family of Dr. Annesley was most likely brought about by his acquaintance with the famous eccentric bookseller, John Dunton, well known in the typographical history England.
On the 3d August, 1682, this gentleman espoused Elizabeth, one of the daughters of Dr. Samuel Annesley. Another of whom, Susannah, the youngest, Mr. Wesley afterwards married. — See above, Mr. Dunton has been called Mr. Samuel Wesley’s near relative. But there was no other relationship between them but what is consequent on marrying two sisters.
Mr. Dunton being an adventurous publisher, Mr. Wesley employed him to print and publish his first work, — the title of which is as follows, — “Maggots, or Poems on several subjects never before handled.” Octavo, London, 1685. John Dunton.
To this work Mr. Wesley did not put his name. But there was prefixed a portrait, to the knees, of a man (the author) crowned with laurel, writing at a table; on his forehead a maggoty and underneath these verses, —
In his own defence the author writes,
Because when this foul maggot bites
He ne’er can rest in quiet:
Which makes him make so sad a face,
He’d beg your Worship or your Grace
Unsight, unseen, to buy it.
“It is to be regrettedy” says Mr. Grainger, who describes this portrait, (Vol. IV. p. 329,) “that Mr. Samuel Wesley’s vein of poetry was not exhausted when he published his Maggots; as he incurred the censure of Garth in his 6 Dispensary,7 who severely lashes him in these lines:”
“Had Wesley never aim’d in verse to please,
He had not ranked with our Ogilbys.
Still censures will on dull pretenders fall;
A Codrus should espect a. -Juvenal!”
This is as splenetic as it is unjust, — and Mr. Wesley in two lines most amply turned the scorpion’s sting upon its own head, — .
What wonder he should Wesley Codrus call,
Who dares surname himself a Juvenal!
The learned reader will at once recollect that Garth alludes to Juv. Sat. iii. ver, 203. —
Lectus erat Codro, — he.
Ml habuit Codrus; quis enim negat? et tamen Mud
Perdidit infelix iotum Nil: ultimus autem
JErumna. cumulus, qudd nudum, etfrustra rogantem,
Nemo abo, nemo hospitio, tectoquejuvabit.
Codrus had but one bed, — he.
Tis true, poor Codrus nothing had to boast,
And yet poor Codrus all that nothing lost;
Begg’d naked thro’ the streets of wealthy Rome,
And found not one to feed or take him home.
Drfden
I see no lashing here: the fact of the poverty of Codrus, and the public neglect of him, is stated by Juvenal. If misfortune and public neglect of the merits of a poet be fit subjects for satire, not only CodruSy but Milton, — who got but five pounds for his Paradise Lost, the best poem ever written,* and Edmund Spencer, (who is said to have died in a garret) whose works are as far beyond every ihing that Garth wrote as the Peak of TenerifTe is beyond a molehill, — may all come in for a very large share. Besides, Juvenal appears more to lament the misfortune of Codrus than to find fault with him.
The judgment of the author of a poem intituled u The Reformation of Manners” was more candid to the man, while he justly lashed the profligacy of the times.
* Mr. John Milton sold his copy of Paradise Lost, April 27, 1667, to Mr. Samuel Simmons, for an immediate payment of five pounds, with a stipulation to receive Jive pounds more when thirteen hundred should be sold of the first edition; and again five pounds after the sale of the same number of the second edition, and another five pounds after the same sale of the third. None of the three editions was to extend beyond thirteen hundred copies. The third edition was published in 1678; and Milton’s widow, to whom the copyright then devolved, sold all her claims to Mr. Simmons for eight pounds! and Simmons transferred his whole right to Brabazon Jlylmer for twenty-five pounds. Only three thousand copies of this incomparable work were sold in eleven years.
“Wesley with pen and poverty beset,.
And Blackmore vers’d in physic as in wit,
Though this of JESUS, that of Job may sing,
One bawdy play will twice their profits bring.”
Mr. Wesleyh poetic talents, of whatever order, were always employed in the cause of truth and moral purity. Garth, whose muse had a strong pinion, prostituted his talents in publishing versions of the most abominable parts of the vilest productions of Ovid. But he is gone to another tribunal.
The worst that his brother-in-law, Dunton, could say of Mr. Wesley, when he quarrelled with him, was this =
“He loves too much the Heliconian strand,
Whose stream’s unfurnished with the golden sand”
By this first publication, Maggots, he probably gained little. But he wrote many poetical pieces for Dunton while he was at college, for which he was liberally rewarded. This he in effect acknowledges in a letter to Mr. Dunton, apologizing for a long silence.
Epivorth, July 24, 1697.
“Dear Brother,
“It has been neither unkindness to you, with whom I have traded, and been justly used for many years, which has made me so long neglect answering your several letters; but the hurry of a removal, and my extraordinary business; being obliged to preach the visitation sermon at Gainsborough, at the Bishop’s coming thither, which is but just over. Besides I would fain have sent you an elegy, as well as an epitaph, but cannot get one to my mind; and therefore you must be content with half your desire. And if you please to accept this epitaph, it is at your service; and I hope it will come before you will need another epithalamium.
I am
Your obliged Friend and Brother,
S. Wesley.”
Nichols7 Literary Anecdotes, Vol. V. p. 213.
In a note on this letter Mr. Nichols observes, “that elegies, epitaphs, and epithalamiums, were articles in which Dunton traded: and regularly sold them ready made.” This, therefore, was one source from which Mr. Wesley derived subsistence both while at college, and after he left it. But another source, less precarious and more regular, was the following: — op mr. wesley’s ancestors.
In the beginning of the year 1691 John Dunton projected a papei which was at first intituled, “The Athenian Gazette or Casuistical Mercury, resolving all the nice and curious questions proposed by the ingenious:” but which in a little time, “to oblige authority” he altered to the Athenian Mercury. And the project was founded, as himself tells us, on Acts xvii. 21. “For all the Athenians, and strangers which were there, spent their time in nothing else but either to tell or to hear some new thing.” The object of the work was to receive and answer all questions in all faculties and departments of literature. Mr. Dunton’s account of this undertaking, and the persons employed in it, which were denominated The Athenian Society, will not be unacceptable to the reader, as particularly connected with the subject of these pages.
“When I had thus formed the design,” says he, u I found that some assistance was absolutely necessary to carry it on; in regard the project took in the whole compass of learning, and the nature of it required dispatch. I had then some acquaintance with the ingenious Mr. Richard Sault, who turned Malebranche into English for me, and was admirably well skilled in the Mathematics. To him I unbosomed myself, and he very freely offered to become concerned. So soon as the design was well advertised, Mr. Sault and myself, without any more assistance, settled to it with great diligence; and Nos. 1. and 2. were entirely of Mr. Sault’s composure and mine. The project being surprising and unthought of, we were immediately overloaded with letters. The Athenian Gazette made now such a noise in the world, and was so universally received, that we were obliged to look out after more members. The ingenious Dr. Norris very generously offered his assistance gratis; but refused to become a stated member of Athens. He was wondrously useful in supplying hints.
“The undertaking growing every week upon our hands, the impatience of our querists, and the curiosity of their questions, which required a great deal of accuracy and care, did oblige us to adopt a third member of Athens: and the Rev. Samuel Wesley being just come to town, all new from the University, and my acquaintance with him being very intimate, I easily prevailed with him to embark himself upon the same bottom, and in the same cause. With this new addition, we found ourselves to be masters of the whole design: and thereupon we neither lessened nor increased our number.”
In this work no names were given to the public. It was published every Tuesday and Saturday; consisted of a single folio; and the first number made its appearance Tuesday, March 17, 1691. Each number was one penny. Thirty numbers, that is, sixty pages, mads what was called a Volume; and stitched in marble paper was sold for two shillings and sixpence; and the work was continued to the twentieth volume, 66 when,” says Mr. Dunton, “we took up, to give ourselves a little ease and refreshment; for the labours and travels of the mind are as expensive, and wear the spirits off as fast, as those of the body.”
The Society was never composed of more than three members: — Mr. John Dunton the projector; Mr. Richard Sault, and the Rev. Samuel Wesley. Among the contributors to this undertaking were some of the first men of the nation, viz. Dr. Norris, Daniel De Foe, Mr. Richardson, Nahum Tate, poet laureate, Dean Swift, the Marquis of Halifax, Sir William Temple, Sir Thomas Pope, Blount, Sir William Hedges, Sir Peter Pett, Mr. Motteaux, &c. Occasionally, they published Supplements to the volumes relating to foreign literature, of which they were a sort of general review.
Though there were never more than three members in this society, yet in the advertisement to the thirteenth number it is stated, “We have now taken into oar society a Civilian, a Doctor of Physic, and a Chirurgeon,” [qucere Matthew Wesley ?] and they therefore proposed answering all questions in those sciences. Those, whoever they were, could be only assistants; for Messrs. Dunton, Sault and Wesley, were the proprietors, and no doubt divided the profits, which must have been considerable for the time. Their names were never disclosed till Dunton published his Memoirs; and their pro* found secrecy contributed much both to their credit and emolument.
In mentioning the name of Mr. Richard Sault, I am necessarily led to notice a work which then made a great deal of noise in the world, and since that time both noise and mischief. I mean a pamphlet intituled” The second Spira, or a narrative of the death of the Hon
Fr. N — r-t, son of the late,” published by John Dunton;
and republished by the late Mr. J. Wesley, in the Arminian- Maga~ line for 1783, p. 24, &c.
When I first saw this account, I believed it to be, what I ever thought and still think the first Francis Spira to be, a forgery y and a forgery of the most dangerous tendency, calculated only to drive weak persons, and those especially who are afflicted with morbid melancholy, into utter despair, I was ready however to grant, that if the stories were founded on any fact, the persons who weie the subjects, must have been in a state of derangement; as both accounts flatly contradict our Lord’s assertion, “Every one that asketh, receiveth; and he that seeketh, findeth; and to him thu-t knocketh, it shall bo opened.” — Matthew vii. 8, m That my judgment concerning the Second Spira was not wrong I learn from John Dunton himself; who, in the work he intitules John Dunton? s Life and Errors, published by him in 1705, and since republished by Mr. Nichols, Vol. I. p. 154, gives us the history of this work; for which it appears he had been frequently called to an account. He tells us that he received the account from the above Mr. Richard Sault, who told him that he “had received the memoirs out of which he had formed the copy, from a divine of the Church of England;” and he pretended to confirm the truth of it, by “a letter and a preface from the same gentleman.” Several clergymen, who came to examine Mr. Dunton on the truth of the story, he introduced to Mr. Sault, who gave them the same relation; but took care not to commit himself by referring to names or places.
When this matter was sifted to the bottom, it was found that the story could be traced to no authentic source; and that it was wholly the contrivance of Mr. Sault; who being a man often afflicted with morbid melancholy, and its insupportable companion despair of God’s mercy, wrote it as a picture of his own mind.
When the original Memoirs came to be examined, which Mr. Sault pretended to have received from a divine of the Church of England. they were found to be in Mr. Sault’s own handwriting, but disguised. Mr. Dunton therefore declared his conviction that it was a forgery of Mr. Sault; and that he had not the slightest suspicion of the imposture till after the book was printed. And this he sets down as the first of the seven articles cut of six hundred, which he heartilywished he had never committed to the press: and advises all whc had purchased any of them, to commit them to the fire: — p. 159.
I wish this fact to be known to all religious people, and particularly to the Methodists.
Had Mr. Wesley been acquainted with John Dunton “s account of the matter, most undoubtedly he never would have given the Narrative of the Second Spira a place in the Arminian Magazine.
In the Supplement to the fifth volume there is a letter to the Athenian Society from Dean Swift, dated Moor Park, Feb. 14, 1691, accompanied with an Ode, of the amazing length of 307 lines. The high sense which he entertained of the unknown conductors of this undertaking will appear from the two last verses: —
Alas, how fleeting and how vain
Js even the nobler man, our learning, and our wit,
I sigh whene’er I think of it,
A* at the closing an unhappy scene
Of some great king and conqueror’s death,
When the sad melancholy muse
Stays but to catch his utmost breath.
I grieve this noble Work, so happily begun,
So quickly and so wonderfully carried on,
- Must fall at last to Interest, Folly, and abuse,
There is a noon-tide in our lives,
Which still the sooner it arrives,
Although we boast our winter-sun looks bright,
And foolishly are glad to see it at its height,
Yet so much sooner comes the long and gloomy night
No conquest ever yet begun,
And by one mighty hero carried to its height,
E’er flourish’d under a successor or a son;
It lost some mighty pieces, through all hands it past,
And vanish’d to an empty title in the last.
For when the animating mind is fled,
/ Which nature never can retain,
Nor e’er call back again,
The body, though gigantic, lies all cold and dead,
And thus undoubtedly ‘twill fare.
With what unhappy men shall dare,
To be successors to these great Unknown,
On Learning’s high establish’d throne.
Censure, and pedantry, and Pride,
Numberless nations stretching far and wide,
Shall (I foresee it) soon with Gothic swarms come forth
From Ignorance’s universal North,
And with blind rage break all this peaceful government;
Yet shall these traces of your wit remain
Like a just map, to tell the vast extent
Of conquest, in your short and happy reign;
And to all future mankind shew
How strange a paradox is true,
That men who lived and died without a name
Are the chief heroes in the sacred list of Fame*.
Jonathan Swift*
I cannot exactly tell what part Mr. Wesley had in this work: but after carefully examining five of the original Volumes, with their Supplements, I have been led to conclude that all the Questions in Divinity and ancient Ecclesiastical History, most of those in Poetry 5 with many of those in Natural Philosophy, were answered by him. The Mathematical Questions were, I suppose, all answered by Mr. Sault.
These facts account for the way and means by which Mr. Wesley sustained himself both in the University, and for some time after he o.3 left it; probably to the time in which he got the small rectory oi South Ormsby, already mentioned. By his pen and genius he profited himself and society; and had he not written too fast, and too much, it would not be difficult to prove that he would not only have enriched, but adorned, all the paths of literature in which he walked. Of this we shall have ample evidences when we come to examine other productions of his pen.
It may be just necessary to inform the curious Reader that the old Athenian volumes being out of print, and becoming very scarce and dear, a selection of the most valuable Questions and Answers was printed in three volumes, Octavo, under the title of the Athenian Oracle: to these was afterwards added a fourth volume. The Abridgement, as well as the Original, must have had a considerable sale, as the copy before me, printed in 1727? is the third edition of this Work.
No reader can peruse these volumes without profit. They contain many things of great importance and value. When I was little more than a child, an odd volume of the Athenian Oracle, lent me by a friend, was a source of improvement and delight; and I now consult it with double interest, knowing the well nerv’d hand by which at least one-third of it was composed.
Mr. Wesley’s other Works shall be all examined in their order. We have already seen that Mr. Wesley had embroiled himself with the Dissenters; partly by his separating from them, and partly by the publication of a Letter relative to their mode of Education in their private Academies. Their opposition was a source of calamity to him and his family for several years, and shall be noticed in its chronological occurrence.
The life of a learned man may be found in the history of his Works. Mr. Wesley’s pen was seldom idle; and being a rapid writer, and seldom waiting to polish or refine, his Works became numerous. His brother-in-law, J. Dunton, said “he used to write two-hundred couplets a-day; which were too many by two-thirds to be well furnished with all the beauties and graces of that art!” and to this opinion every judge of Poetry must subscribe.
We have seen him at College in 16S5, issuing his juvenile Poems, under the title of Maggots; and in 1691, &c. engaged with his brother-in-law, Dunton, and others, in the Athenian Mercury.
In 1693 he published “The Life of our blessed Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ; a Heroic Poem, in ten books: dedicated to her most Sacred Majesty, (Queen Mary;) attempted by Samuel Wesley, Rector of South Ormsby, in the county of Lincoln. Each book illustrated by necessary notes, explaining all the more difficult matters in the whole history. Also a Prefatory Discourse concerning Heroic Poetry. With sixty Copper-plates” London, printed for Charles Harper, &c. 1693. fol.
This Work went through a second edition in 1697, “revised and improved, with the addition of a large map of the Holy Land, and a table of the principal matters” The plates, though anonymous, are said in the advertisement to be done “by the celebrated hand of W. Faithhorn.” The work is preceded by commendatory verses from Nahum Tate, poet laureate, L. Milbourne, T. Taylor, W. Pittis, H. Cutts, and P. Motteaux.
When a Poet, no matter of what abilities, takes for the subject of his verse the sayings or acts of the Almighty, as recorded in Divine Revelation, he must of necessity fail, speak untruths, and sink below himself. Who can add to the dignity, importance, or majesty, of the words of God by any poetical clothing? The attempt to do it is almost impious; and in the execution how many words are attributed to God which he never spoke, and acts which he never did! Even the prose writers of the Life of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ have all failed, misrepresented facts and sayings, and (undesignedly, spoke many falsities. The life of our Lord was never found, and never will be found, but in the four Evangelists; and the utmost that can be done in this way is, merely to harmonize their accounts, That as a theological and poetical production Mr. Wesley’s Life of Christ has considerable merit the sale of two editions of a large folio volume, in three or four years, is ample proof. And if we can give credit to the judgment and sincerity of his poetical recommenders, the Work has scarcely its fellow! The poet laureate N. Tate, praises the Work and the Author to the utmost stretch of eulogium; and seems to lay his own ground work of the Version of the Psalms at Mr. Wesley’s feet, and views him as the completer of the task which Milton left unfinished!
I shall extract a few of his verses, as the Book will rarely be found in the hands of those who are most concerned in what relates to this singular family. —
To Mr. Samuel Wesley on his divine Poem, of the Life of Christ
As when some prophet, who had long retir’d,
Returns from solitude with rapture fir’d,
With full credentials made securely bold,
To list’ning crowds does charmingly unfold
What angels hymn, in awful visions told;
With wond’rous truths surprising; every breas:.
His sacred mission is by all confest:
of mr. wesley’s anxestoks.
So you, great bard, who lay till now concealed,
Compiling what your heavenly muse reveal’d,
No sooner quit the shade, but strike our eyes
With wonder, and our minds with testacies.
E’en we, the tribe who thought ourselves inspir’d,
Like glimmering stars in night’s dull reign admir’d;
Like stars, a numerous but a feeble host,
Are gladly in your morning lustre lost.
When we, (and few have been so well inclin’d,)
In songs attempted to instrvxt mankind,
From nature’s law we all our precepts drew,
And e’en her sanctions oft perverted too;
Your sacred muse does Revelation trace,
And nature is by you improv’d to grace.
What just encomiums, Sir, must you receive,
Who wit and piety together weave.
No altar your oblation can refuse,
Who to the temple bring a spotless muse:
You with fresh laurels from Parnassus borne,
Plant Zion’s hill, and Salem’s towers adorn;
You break the charms, and from profane retreats
Restore the Muses to their native seats.
Our leading Moses* did this task pursue,
And liv’d to have the Holy Land in view,
With vig’rous youth, to finish the success,
Like Joshua, you succeed, and all possess.
Here pious souls, what they did long desire,
Possess their dear Redeemer’s Life entire:
Here, with whole Paradise Regained they meet,
And Milton’s noble work is now complete.
The rest of the poem is in the same style of eulogium; and I have quoted so much to shew what was thought of the Life of Christ by no mean judges, when it first appeared. Posterity has not been so partial to the Bard of Epworth.
It is said that Mr. Pope had such a despicable opinion of this Poem and the other poetical Works of Mr. Wesley, that in one of the earlier editions of the Dunciad he honoured him with a niche in the temple of the “Mighty Mother,” (Dulness.) He was placed by the side of a respectable companion, Dr. Watts: —
“Now all the suffering brotherhood retire,
And ‘scape the martyrdom of jakes and fire:
A Gothic library of Greece and Rome,
Well purg’d, and worthy Wesley, Watts, and Brome.”
* Mr. John Milton It is a fact that in no edition published by Mr. Pope did these names ever occur. In one surreptitious edition they were printed thus, W — 1 — y W — s in Book 1. 1. 126. But in the genuine editions of that Work the line stood thus, as it does at present: —
“Well purg’d, and worthy Withers, Quarles, and Blome.”
And this, in the London Edition of 1729, is said to be the line as it stood in the original.
That Mr. Pope had too high an opinion of Mr. Samuel Wesley to make such a dishonourable insertion of his name in the Dunciad there can be no doubt: he revered him for his piety, learning, and industry. There was even an intimacy between them; and Mr. Pope had such a high opinion of his learning and moral worth that he earnestly endeavoured to serve him. This will be particularly evident from a letter which he wrote to Dean Swift, intreating him to use his influence with the clergy of his acquaintance to get subscriptions for Mr. Wesley’s Dissertations on the Booh of Job. I shall give an extract of this epistle, which cannot fail to set the matter in the clearest point of view.
— — “This is a letter extraordinary, to do and to say nothing, but to recommend to you (as a clergyman and a charitable one) a pious and a good Work, and for a good and honest man. Moreover he is about seventy, and poor, which you might think included in the word honest. I shall think it a kindness done to myself if you can propagate Mr. Wesley’s subscription for his Commentary on Job, among your divines (bishops excepted, of whom there is no hope,) and among such as are believers or readers of the Scriptures. Even the curious may find something to please them, if they scorn to be edified. It has been the labour of eight years of this learned man’s life; I call him what he is, a learned man; and I engage you will approve his prose more than you formerly did his poetry. Lord Bolingbroke is a favourer of it, and allows you to do your best to serve an old Tory, and a sufferer for the Church of England, though you are a Whfg as I am.” April 12, 1730.
In the above words, “I engage you will approve his prose more than you formerly did his poetry,” Mr. Pope refers to Dean Swifts Battle of the Books, in which are these words :- — u Then Homer slew Sam. Wesley with a kick of his horse’s heel.” But this can be no discredit to Mr. Wesley; for many of our best English writers have been mentioned with disrespect in that Work. Mr. Wesley spoke of his own performance with much modesty. “The cuts are good, the notes pretty good, the verses so so.” And of it his eldest son Samuel spoke with sober commendation: —
Whate’er hi3 strains, still glorious was his end,
Faith to assert, and virtue to defend.
He sung how God the Saviour deigned to expire,*
With Vida’s piety, though not his fire;
Deduced his Maker’s praise from page to page,
Through the long annals of the sacred page.f
What was of most consequence to him, it was highly approved of by Queen Mary, to whom it was dedicated; who in the same year conferred on him the living of Ejncorth in Lincolnshire, which he says was “proffered and given, as well as that of Wroote afterwards, without his ever having solicited any person; without his ever expecting, or even once thinking, of such a favour.” — Answer to Palmer, p. 3. And speaking again on the same subject, in defence of his Poem, he adds, “I can assure him I agree so far with those best judges he mentions, that I know it is very faulty: but whether it be in itself, so absolutely contemptible as he represents it, I desire may be left to more impartial judges. All I can say is, it was the best I had. I ran as the peasant did, with my hands full of water, and offered it to my prince, because I had no better present; and if it was not so clear as it should have been, I hope that the haste will in some measure excuse it. Though there may be some parts of that Poem, of which I hope I might say without vanity, neither myself nor my country have reason to be ashamed, yet I am as ready to acknowledge, as he and his friends are to assert, that the favours which our late blessed Queen was pleased to bestow on me after she had read my Book were as far beyond my expectation as my desert. They will not however envy me the honour of having scattered a few verses, and more tears, over her grave.” — Ib. p. 56.
In 1695 he published Elegies on Queen Mary, and on Archbishop Tillotson, folio, of which I can say nothing, as I have not seen them.
In 1698 he published A Sermon preached before the Society for the Reformation of Manners, octavo. This also I have not seen.
The next in point of time is,” The Pious Communicant rightly prepared; or a Discourse concerning the Blessed Sacrament: wherein the nature of it is described, our obligation to frequent communion enforced, and directions given for due preparation for it, behaviour at and after it, and profiting by it. With Prayers and Hymns suited to the several parts of that holy office. To which is
Life of Christv
t History of the Old and New Testaments added, a short Discourse of Baptism. By Samuel Wesley, A. M. Chaplain to the most honourable John Lord Marquis of Normanby, and Rector of Epworth, in the diocese of Lincoln.” London, printed for Charles Harper, 1700, duodecimo, upwards of two hundred pages.
The copy before me unfortunately wants the double Appendix (nor does it appear ever to have had it;) of which in the Preface he speaks thus: — “The former relating to our religious societies, whose rules and orders have been published and defended by Dr. Woodward in his late Book upon the subject, and my Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells in the life of Dr. Horneck. Their whole design appeared to me to be highly serviceable to Christianity, that I could not but take this opportunity to recommend them; and the latter (Appendix) which relates to baptism, will be granted not unnecessary, when several (I hope) well-meaning persons, especially in those parts where I live, are unsatisfied about it. Likewise, I have added the great Hallel or paschal Hymn, which was usually sung by the Jews at their Pass-over, and by our Saviour and His Apostles at the institution of this Sacrament.”
In this Work I find very little to praise besides the pious intention, It has the general character, and indeed the faults, of those works generally termed The Week7s Preparation before the Sacrament, which are all infinitely below what any one may find in the Communion Service, in the Book of Common Prayer. The arguments in this Work are neither happily chosen, nor conclusive, and the objections not well answered. It is the most imperfect of all the literary Works of the Rector of Epworth which I have seen.
The great Hallel of which Mr. Wesley speaks had its name from the word mV?n halleluyah, praise ye Jehovah; and consisted of the following Psalms, cxiii. cxiv. cxv. cxvi. cxvii. and cxviii. These six Psalms were always sung at every paschal solemnity; and this great Hallel they sung on account of the jive great benefits referred to in it. 1. The Exodus from Egypt, Psa. cxiv. 1. When Israel went out of Egypt, &c. 2. The miraculous Division of the Red Sea, ver. 3. The sea saic it and fled. 3. The Promulgation of the Law, ver. 4. The mountains skipped like rams. 4. The Resurrection of the Dead, Psa. cxvi. I will walk before the Lord in the land of the living. 5. The Passion of the Messiah, Psa. cxv. 1 Not unto us, 0 Lord, not unto us, fye.
Why should not these Psalms be said or sung at every sacramental occasion? Is not the example of our Lord and His Apostles a sufficient warrant? And would not this circumstance bring us a little nearer to the primitive form o f Celebration? The Psalms themselves are highly excellent; -and many parts of them peculiarly appropriate.
In the year 1704 he published “The History of the Old and New Testament, attempted in verse, and adorned with three hundred and thirty Sculptures, engraved by J. Sturt.” 3 vols, duodecimo. 1704.
This is a useful Work for young persons, as the rhyme may assist the memory, particularly in chronological details. Some years ago it was reprinted in Manchester, but without the Plates.
Some time in 1693 his Letter, already mentioned, concerning the Education of the Dissenters in their private Academies, was printed; but without his consent or knowledge, nearly ten years after it had been written to oblige a particular friend.
This Letter gave the Dissenters great offence; and it was soon answered anonymously in a pamphlet intituled A Defence of the Dissenters7 Education. To answer this pamphlet, in which he was severely handled, and to defend his original Letter, Mr. Wesley published a pamphlet intituled “A Defence of a Letter concerning the Education of Dissenters in their private Academies; with a more full and satisfactory account of the same, and of their morals and behaviour towards the Church of England: being an Answer to the Defence of the Dissenters’9 Education. By Samuel Wesley with this remarkable motto, —
Noli irritare crabrones!
u The Kirk’s a vixen; don’t anger her.”
London, quarto, 1704. pp. 64.
This Publication, which I have several times had occasion to quote, .only served to widen the breach; for Mr. Palmer, who appears to have been the anonymous author of the Defence of the Dissenters’ Education, soon published what he termed “A Vindication of the Learning, Loyalty, Morals, and most Christian Behaviour, of the Dissenters towards the Church of England.” A man of Mr. Wesley’s disposition was not likely to sit quiet under the severe reflections cast on him by Mr. Palmer in the above pamphlet.
He immediately meditated an answer: but this was delayed for some time. The rage of party took advantage of his narrow circumstances, and he was suddenly thrown into Lincoln castle for a paltry debt. This was petty malice; and he amply retorted on his persecutors in a pamphlet intituled” A Reply to Mr. Palmers Vindication of the Learning, Loyalty, Morals, and most Christian Behaviour of the Dissenters toicards the Church of England. By
Samuel Wesley.” London 1707- quarto, about one hundred and sixty pages; with a motto taken from John Fox, and one from De Foe; the latter I shall transcribe, —
“How long must we see the reproaches of our Establishment, and the insults of the Laws, and be bound to silence, and to say nothing for peace sake? How long must their false prophets and dreamers of dreams abuse us, and we be obliged to hold our peace?” De Foe’s Review, Vol. III. No. XLIII.
This Work appears to have been partly written in Lincoln castle, as the following words in the Preface seem to imply: —” I am to ask his (Mr. Palmer’s) pardon for the delay of my Answer, which I hope he will the more easily grant, because he is not ignorant of the occasion. I have often thought of his kind admonition in hisrs* book, p. 20, of what I was like to lose by the Dissenters’ resentment of my Letter, &c. Some people have an untoward faculty of keeping their words with the utmost exactness whenever they make a left-hand promise; and there are some sort of debts they’ll never compound for, but be sure to pay them to the uttermost farthing.
“I shan’t trouble him (the Reader) with any melancholy stories of the treatment I’ve lately met with, but shall refer it to a higher tribunal than that of any earthly judicature.” And in the beginning of the ninth chapter of the Work, p. 144, he says, “I am now come to Mr. Palmer’s last chapter, which I wish I had been at long before; for I must confess I don’t admire this work which I am forced to in my own just defence; and think if I were at liberty I could employ myself something better.” And in p. 68, “Welcome zjayle once more, rather than take their dirty road to preferment,”
As this matter of the imprisonment has been misunderstood, if not misrepresented, I shall soon lay the whole account before the Reader.
Whether this controversy were carried on any farther I know not: as far as I have seen it I must own I have received no edification from it. Mr. Wesley most certainly uses great dexterity in fencing with and foiling his adversary. But on both sides party spirit has a superabundant prevalence. Mr. Wesley was ill-used by several of that party, and he appears too often to attribute the unchristian and cruel treatment he received from them as the work of the whole body; and that dissenting principles must necessarily produce such wicked effects. Besides, he was an unqualified admirer of Charles the First, considered him in the fullest sense a martyr, and was often intolerant to those who differed from him in this opinion. He exposed the Dissenters; and did it the more effectually? because., being bred up among them, he knew their order, discipline, political of mr. wesley’s ancestors.
opinions, &c. But he always gets too much into generals from particulars, and charges the body with the vices of the few.
Their mode of defence was not calculated to soften his asperity or correct his misapprehension; and they disgracefully stooped to personal injuries that they might avenge themselves on one whom they considered a detractor of the brethren, and an apostate from the true faith.
The same subjects canvassed then would scarcely admit of discussion now. A spirit of liberality and tolerance now exists, and is happily cultivated, which in great part of the seventeenth century was little known. Through the mercy of God the Nation has now more light and more religion; though there are still individuals to be found on both sides who, had they the power, would stir up old feuds, and banish sweet repose from the hearts and houses of the pious, the peaceable, and the loyal. Neither the name nor peculiar creed of Churchman nor Dissenter is essential to salvation. He alone deserves the title of Christian who wishes well to the human race, and labours to promote, according to his power and influence, the best interests of mankind. No man professing godliness should forget to imitate Him loho maketh his sun to rise on the evil and on the good, and sendcth his rain on the just and on the unjust.
To pursue the literary life of Mr. Wesley any farther at present would take us too far out of the direct line of his domestic relations.
While Mr. S. Wesley attended his curacy in London, about 1690 or 1691, for the date is not exactly known, he contracted an acquaintance, which terminated in marriage with Miss Susanna Annesley, youngest daughter of Samuel Annesley, LL. D., an eminent Nonconformist Divine, nobly related; for he and Arthur Annesley, Earl of Anglesy and Lord Privy Seal to Charles the Second, were brothers’ children. The excellence of Miss Annesley’s mind was equal to the eminence of her birth: but her history is too important to be included even in that of her husband, and requires a separate place. She was such a helpmate as Mr. Wesley required; and to her, under God, the great eminence of the subsequent Wesley family is to be attributed. They had nineteen children, of whom only their eldest son Samuel appears to have been born previously to their removal to South Ormsby in Linconshire, which was about the year 1693.
Mr. Wesley began the world under many disadvantages: he had himself no property. And Dr. Annesley’s family was probably much reduced, so that he could give little with any of his daughters. Elizabeth had married John Dunton, so often already mentioned. His eccentricities were such as to bring him into frequent embarrassments What help his father-in-law’s family could afford him I suppose he had; and besides this he had borrowed considerably from Mr. Wesley, so that when he was thrown into prison for debt by others, Mr. Wesley, he acknowledges, was his chief creditor; which debt he never repaid. And although Dunton was, at Mr. Wesley’s first setting out in the world, one of his principal friends, yet through his generosity in return he suffered much in his circumstances.
From the year 1693 to 1700 he met with various misfortunes and trials. He had, it is true, expectations of preferment; and had Queen Mary lived, he would certainly have risen in the Church, as it appears she had firmly purposed.
For a time he had the friendship of the Marquis of Normanby, afterwards Duke of Buckingham, who made him his chaplain, and is said to have recommended him for an Irish bishopric. The Duke of Malborough was also his friend; and for his Poem on TJie Fate of Europe gave him the chaplaincy of Colonel LepelVs regiment: but the Dissenters, his inflexible enemies, had interest enough at Court, and with the leading men of the nation, to prevent his preferment, and deprive him of the chaplaincies which he had honestly obtained.
In the midst of all his troubles he had an invariable friend in the justly celebrated Dr. John Sharp, Archbishop of York, and grandfather to the late Granville Sharp, Esq. the first man whose call awakened the drowsy and guilty British Nation to the wrongs of Africa.
The Archbishop acted to Mr. Wesley the part of a most tender father and beneficent patron. The latter frequently poured his complaints into his bosom; and they were received with tenderness and affectionate commiseration: and the bounty of the Archbishop of York was frequently poured on the necessities of the distressed Rector of Epworth. Of these benefits Mr. Wesley had a due and deep sense; and his manly gratitude kept pace with his obligations.
By the kindness of Miss Sharp, the only surviving branch of this ancient and very eminent family, I have been put in possession of Letters written by Mr. Wesley to the Archbishop from the yeai 1700 to 1707 j which fill up a considerable gap in his history, and afford a number of curious particulars, which have never been before the Public. These come properly in in this place; and from the first we shall see the difficulties with which this good man had to struggle, and the cause of his consequent embarrassments.
“For the most Rev. Father in God, the Lord Archbishop of York. %t Bishop Thorp.
“My Lord,
“I have lived on the thoughts of your Grace’s generous offer ever since I was at Bishop Thorp; and the hope I have of seeing some end, or at least mitigation, of my trouble makes me pass through them with much more. ease than I’ should otherwise have done. I can now make a shift to be dunned with some patience; and to be affronted, because I want the virtue of riches, by those who scarce think there is any other virtue.
“I must own I was ashamed, when at Bishop Thorp, to confess that I was three hundred pounds in debt, when I have a living of which I have made two h undred pounds per annum, though I could hardly let it now for eightscore.
“I doubt not but one reason of my being sunk so far is, my not understanding worldly affairs; and my aversion to law, which my people have always known but too well. But I think I can give a tolerable account of my affairs, and satisfy any equal judge that a better husband than myself might have been in debt, though perhaps not so deeply, had he been in the same circumstances, and met with the same misfortunes.
“‘Twill be no great wonder that when I had but fifty pounds per annum for six or seven years together, nothing to begin the world with, one child at least per annum, and my wife sick for half that time, that I should run one hundred and fifty pounds behind hand; especially when about an hundred of it had been expended in goods without doors and within.
“When I had the Rectory of Epworth given me, my Lord of Sarum was so generous as to pass his word to his goldsmith, for one hundred pounds, which I borrowed of him. It cost me very little less than fifty pounds of this in my journey to London, and getting into my living, for the Broad Seal, &c. And with the other fifty pounds, I stopped the mouths of my most importunate creditors.
“When I removed to Epworth I was forced to take up fifty pounds more for setting up a little husbandry when I took the tithes into my own hand, and buying some part of what was necessary towards furnishing my house, which was larger, as well as my family, than what I had on the other side the county.
“The next year my barn fell; which cost me forty pounds in rebuilding, (thanks to your Grace for part of it;) and having an aged mother [this was the widow of the Rev. John Wesley of New Hall, of whom see before,] who must have one to prison if I had not assisted her, she cost me upwards of forty pounds more, which obliged me to take up another fifty pounds. I have had but three children born since I came hither, about three years since: but another coming, and my wife incapable of any business in my family, as she has been for almost a quarter of a year; yet we have but one maid-servant, to retrench all possible expenses.
“My first fruits came to about twenty-eight pounds; my tenths near three pounds per annum. I pay a yearly pension of three pounds out of my rectory to John of Jerusalem. My taxes came to upwards of twenty pounds per annum: but they are now retrenched to about half. My collection to the poor comes to five pounds per annum: besides which they have lately bestowed an apprentice upon me, whom I suppose I must teach to beat rime. Ten pounds a-year I allow my mother to help to keep her from starving. I wish I could give as good an account for some charities, which I am now satisfied have been imprudent, considering my circumstances.
“Fifty pounds interest and principal I have paid my Lord of Sarum’s goldsmith. All which together keeps me necessitous, especially since interest money begins to pinch me; and I am always called on for money before I make it, and must buy every thing at the worst hand; whereas could I be so happy as to get on the right side of my income, I should not fear, by God’s help, but to live honestly in the world, and to leave a little to my children after me. I think, as ’tis, I could perhaps work it out in time, in half-a-dozen or half-a-score years, if my heart should hold so long: but for that God’s will be done!
Humbly asking pardon for this tedious trouble,
I am
Your Grace’s most obliged
and most humble servant,
S. Wesley.”
Epworth, lOr (Dec.) 30, 1700.
There are a few things in this Letter which require explanation, and some of them refer to certain curious facts in ecclesiastical history.
1. Among Mr. Wesley’s expenses we find getting the Broad Seal was one. This was on his being presented to the Rectory of Epworth; for as that Living belongs to the Crown, the gift to him required the Broad Seal affixed as his title: and the fees, &c. of office Were even at that -time considerable; but now more so, as in addition to them there is a heavy stamp duty.
2. He mentions removing to Epworth from the other side of the county. This was from South Ortj/sby, which is in the wapentake of Ladbrough, in the opposite side of the county from Epworth; and about eight or ten miles from the Hurnber. This Living he appears to have received from the Marquis of Normanby, afterwards Duke of Buckingham; and the manner in which he lost it we have already seen.
3. He speaks of his aged mother. This was the relict of his father, John Wesley, some time Vicar of Whitchurch, in Dorsetshire; from which he was ejected by the cruel Act of Uniformity. Persecuted and driven about from place to place during his life, he could make no provision for his family; and his widow, who survived him at least forty years, was obliged to depend on fortuitous charity; and in her latter days especially, on the little help, 10/. per annum, which she received from her son Samuel; who according to the above account was in very straitened circumstances himself.
It must be owned that Mr. Wesley’s attachment to the Church must have been strong indeed, and founded on conscientious principles, when he clave to it with all his heart, and at the risk of all he possessed; while he had continually before his eyes the horrible consequences of those cruel Laics, and relentless High Church bigotry, that deprived his parents of a morsel of bread, brought his father to an untimely grave, and reduced his widowed aged mother to a state of the most abject poverty.
4. He tells the Archbishop that his first fruits came to 28/., that is, he had to pay 28/. in lieu of the first fruits; which mean the profits of all spiritual promotions for one whole year. These were at first given to the Pope: but were taken from him by the Statute of Coventry, anno 6 Hen. IV. A. D. 1404, and annexed to the Crown anno 25 Hen. VIII. A. D. 1533, under which Act Mr. Wesley paid them. But they were given from the Crown to the poor clergy, anno 2, 3 Annce, A. D. 1703, about two or three years after the time of which Mr. Wesley here speaks; and still continue to be appropriated in the same way.
5. His tenths, he tells us, came to 3/. per annum. The tenth, were a “yearly rent, or pension, amounting to the value of a tenth part of all the revenues, rents, farms, tithes, offerings, emoluments, and all other profits, as well spiritual as temporal, belonging to any Archbishopric, Bishopric, Parsonage, Vicarage, or other Benefice, or Promotion spiritual, to be yearly paid for ever, to the King.” These also had been claimed by the Pope: but were annexed to the Crown by the statute anno 26 Henry VIII. A. D. 1534. But they were with the first fruits, given by the Crown to augment the livings of the poor clergy, by the statute anno 2, 3 Anna, A. D. 1703.
6. He also mentions paying a pension of 3l. yearly out of his Rectory to John of Jerusalem. This was the Priory of St. John of Jerusalem, to which the lands formerly belonging to the Knights
Templars had been given by the statute De Juris Templar ior urn, made anno 17 Edward II. A. D. 1323, when the above Order was suppressed in England. The whole Order had been suppressed by Pope Clement V. in a general Council at Vienne, A. D. 1312. At the suppression of the Monasteries all the possessions of St. John of Jerusalem, in England and Ireland, were given to the King, by the statute anno 32 Henry VIII. A. D. 1541. What therefore each church, &c. paid to this Order was after this paid to the King: and as the Rectory of Epworth had paid to the value of 3l. to that House, this was the sum which the Kings of England continued to receive from that Rectory.
7. What he means by beating rime, unless it be the stalks of dried flax, I cannot tell. I believe rime is a provincial term for that article.
The preceding Letter had made a strong impression on the mind of the Archbishop in his favour; who, willing to serve him in every possible way, not only spoke to several of the more charitably disposed Nobility in his behalf, but had actually endeavoured to get a brief for him, and had made an application to the House of Lords to this effect. The Countess of Northampton, to whom the Archbishop had mentioned Mr. Wesley’s case, had generously sent him 201. For these, and other favours received from and through the Archbishop, he expresses himself in a very feeling and energetic manner in the following Letter; which, with that which immediately follows it, I cannot persuade myself to withhold from the Reader
“Epworth, May 14, 1701.
“My Lord,
“In the flrst place I do, as I am bound, heartily thank God for raising me so great and generous a benefactor as your Grace, when I so little expected or deserved it.
“And then return my poor thanks to your Lordship; though but a sorry acknowledgement, yet all I have, for the pains and trouble you have been at on my account. I most humbly thank your Grace that you did not close with the motion which you mentioned in your Grace’s flrst Letter; for I should rather choose to remain all my life in my present circumstances, than so much as consent that your Lordship should do any such thing: nor indeed should I be willing on my own account to trouble the House of Lords in the method proposed; for I believe mine would be the first instance of a brief for losses by child-bearing, that ever came before that Honourable House.
“Had your Grace been able to have effected nothing for me, the generosity and goodness had been the same: and I should have o2 prayed for as great a heap of blessings on your Grace and your Family. But I can do no more now I have such considerable assistance by your Grace’s charitable endeavours. When I received your Grace’s first Letter, I thanked God upon my knees for’t; and have done the same I believe twenty times since, as often as I have read it; and more than once for the other which I received but yesterday.
“Certainly, never did an Archbishop of England write in such a manner to an Isle-poet: but it is peculiar to your Grace to oblige so as none besides can do it. I know your Grace will be angry, but I can’t help it: truth will out, though in a plain and rough dress; and I should sin against God, if I now neglected to make all the poor acknowledgements I am able.”
After several other matters of a more private nature, he mentions the great kindness of the Countess of Northampton; and says, he must divide what she has given him, “half to my poor mother, with whom I am now above a year behind hand; the other ten pounds for my own family. My mother will wait on your Grace for her ten pounds: she knows not the particulars of my circumstances’, which I keep from her as much as I can, that they may not trouble her.”
The following Letter written four days after the above is both singular and characteristic.
Epworlh, May 18th, 1701.
“My Lord,
“This comes as a rider to the last, by the same post, to bring such news as I presume will not be unwelcome to a person who has so particular a concern for me. Last night my wife brought me a few children. There are but two yet, a boy and a girl, and I think they are all at present: we have had four in two years and a day, three of which are living.
“Never came any thing more like a gift from heaven than what the Countess of Northampton sent by your Lordship’s charitable offices. Wednesday evening my wife and I clubbed and joined stocks, which came but to six shillings, to send for coals. Thursday morning I received the ten pounds; an’d at night my wife was delivered. Glory be to God for His unspeakable goodness!” I am Your Grace’s most obliged
and most humble servant,
S. Wesley.”
About this time, 1701, a remarkable anecdote occurs in the life of the Rector of Epworth. I shall give it in the words of his son Mr. John Wesley, as I had it from himself.
“Were I,” said he, “to write my own life, I should begin it before I icas born, merely fcr the purpose of mentioning a disagreement between my father and mother. 1 Sukey,’ said my father to my mother, one day after family prayer, ’ why did you not say amen this morning to the prayer for the King?’ ‘Because,’ said she, ‘I do not believe the Prince of Orange to be King.’ 6 If that be the case,’ said he, i you and I must part; for if we have two Kings, we must have two beds.’9 My mother was inflexible. My father went immediately to his study; and, after spending some time with himself, set out for London; where being convocation man for the Diocese of Lincoln, he remained without visiting his own house for the remainder of the year. On March 8th in the following year, 1702, King William died; and as both my father and mother were agreed as to the legitimacy of Queen Anne’s title, the cause of their misunderstanding ceased; my father returned to Epworth, and conjugal harmony was restored.”
Mr. Wesley observes, that his father was convocation man that year. To the generality of Readers this word requires explanation.
Convoc<ttion, in our Chuch History, signifies an Assembly of the Clergy for a consultation of matters ecclesiastical, in time of Parliament. And as the Parliament consists of two distinct Houses, so does this: the one called the Upper House, where the Archbishops and Bishops sit severally by themselves; the other the Lower House, where all the rest of the Clergy are represented by their deputies or proctors, consisting of all the Deans and Archdeacons; of one proctor for every chapter, and two for the clergy of every diocese*, in all one hundred and forty-three divines, viz. twenty-two deans, fifty-three archdeacons, twenty-four prebendaries, and forty-four proctors of the diocesan clergy. The Convocation is summoned by the King’s Writ directed to the Archbishop of each province, requiring him to summon all Bishops, Deans, Archdeacons, &c. In this Convocation the Clergy exercise jurisdiction for the Church, in making of Canons: but these must have the King’s assent. And they have the power of examining and censuring all heretical and schismatical books and persons. But an appeal lies to the King in Chancery, or to his delegates; and the whole powers are limited by statute 25 Henry VIII. cap. 19-
The Clergy in their attendance on the Convocation have the same privileges as Members of the House of Commons, in freedom from: arrest.
Mr» Wesley attended these Convocations for three years, at the expense to himself of fifty pounds per annum. It appears that he might have avoided this expense, as he was censured for taking this office upon him, which ill accorded with the narrowness of his domestic circumstances.
I have already observed in the account given of Mr. John Wesley of Whitchurch, Mr. Samuel Wesley’s father, that every genuine minister of the gospel considers himself a missionary; and that when he receives his commission from the Head of the Church, he knows that it in effect says, Go ye into all the tvorld, and preach the Gospel to every creature. About this time Mr. Wesley appears to have had his mind seriously impressed with the miserable state of the Heathen; and with a strong desire to go to them, and proclaim the unsearchable riches of Christ. He had mentioned his desire in a general way to Archbishop Sharp; and given him some hints concerning proposals which he had made, probably to the Society for the propagation of Christianity in foreign parts, and to some members of the Administration.
It appears that the Archbishop had desired an account of the whole Scheme; and he sent him the following paper, which is unfortunately without a date; but is in his own hand writing, and is subscribed by the Archbishop.
“The scheme I had laid, if I went to the East Indies, and which by God’s grace I shall yet prosecute, if I go thither, and am enabled to do it, was not confined to one place or nation, but aimed at a more general service to Christianity.
“My design consisted of three parts. The first relating to our own people, the native English and their subjects; which I am told at one of our Colonies are numerous; the second to other Christian Churches, whether out of the Roman communion, or members of it; the third to the Heathen.
“I. As to our own. I would make a particular inquiry into the state of Christianity in all our Factories and Settlements from St. Helena to the farther Eastern countries; travelling where I could myself either by land or sea; and where that could not be done, fixing a correspondence; which I should have the convenience of doing from Surat, it being a mart for so many nations. I would inquire into the number of our people, their morals, and their ministers. It should be my faithful endeavour to revive the spirit of Christianity amongst them, by spreading good books, bringing them to catechising, or any other means, as I should be directed from Vcnce. or as God should enable me.
“2. As to other Christian churches. First, those who are of the Roman communion. I would endeavour to fix a correspondence with the Church of Abyssinia; or, if it was thought fit by my superiors, even to try if I could pierce into that country myself. However, in the second place, I could personally inquire into the state of the poor Christians of St. Thomas, who are scattered over the Indies; and settle a correspondence between them and the Church of England.
“As to the Romanists, I might probably light on some opportunity to convey some of our books amongst them, translated into the languages of the countries where they are; and even as far as China, (where we have a considerable factory,) whereby the Jesuits’ halfconverts might be better instructed in the principles of our Religion, or made more than almost Christians.
u 3. For the Gentoos. I would see if I could learn the Hindostan language; and when I once got master of their notions, and way of reasoning, endeavour to bring over some of their Bramines or Bannians, and common people, to the Christian religion; the government, I suppose, being not very strict as to those matters.
“I know I am not sufficient for the least of these, designs: much less for all together. But as ‘twould be well worth dying for to make some progress in any of ’em, so I would expect the same assistance as to kind, though not to degree, which was granted of old to the first planters of the gospel. Nor would I neglect, but humbly and thankfully receive, any instructions from my superiors or others, my acquaintance and correspondents both here and in the Indies, in order to accomplish the end of my mission.
“This seems to be a different design from settling all together at some one of our particular factories, all of which the East India Company are to provide for. But whether it deserves encouragement from the corporation, must be left to their piety and wisdom. As likewise whether Her Majesty [Queen Anne] might not be prevailed upon to encourage by her royal favour a design of this nature; the French King sending so many missions into those parts
“However if one hundred pounds per annum might be allowed me, and forty I must pay my curate in my absence, either from the East India Company or otherwhere, I should be ready to venture my life on this occasion, provided any way might be found to secure a subsistence for my family in case of my decease in those countries.”
The event proves that Mr. Wesley’s plan was not adopted, a? least as far as he himself was personally concerned in it: but perhaps some of the subsequent operations of the Society for promoting Christian knowledge in the East were not altogether unindebted to the hint thrown out in this paper.
The plan was such as the British Church and Government might have easily put into execution: and for personal courage, spirit, and missionary zeal, probably a fitter instrument than Samuel Wesley could not then have been readily found. One hundred pounds for himself, and forty for a curate, was a very moderate request; and he no doubt supposed that the income of the Rectory might be sufficient to support his family during his absence.
The same spirit that would have carried the father to Abyssinia, India, and China, afterwards carried his son across the Atlantic to preach the Gospel to the different tribes of American Indians; and has urged his sons and successors in the ministry to carry the glad tidings of Christ crucified to America, the West India Islands, West and South Africa, the Island of Ceylon, and the Peninsula of India. In the Wesley family the seeds of missionary zeal were early sown. They vegetated sloioly: but are now producing an abundant harvest to the glory of the God of Missionaries, whose salvation shall be revealed to the ends of the earth.
Mr. Wesley not having got on the right side of his income as yet, was grievously troubled with his old creditors, some of whom appear to have been implacable and unmerciful; he was obliged in consequence to take a journey to London, to endeavour to raise some money amongst his friends. In a Letter to the Archbishop, dated August 7, 1702, he mentions several sums which he received from eminent persons: — the Dean of Exeter, 10/.; Dr. Stanley, 10/.; Archbishop of Canterbury, 10/. 10s.; “and even my lord Marquis of Normanby, by my good lady’s solicitations succeeding your Grace’s, did verily and indeed, with his own hand, give me twenty guineas, and my ladyfve. With these and other sums I made up about sixty pounds, and came home joyful enough, thanked God, paid as many debts as I could, quieted the rest of my creditors, took the management of my house into my own hands, and had ten guineas left to take my harvest.”
The Reader will recollect why Mr. Wesley mentions so parties larly, and with surprise the gift of twenty guineas from the Marquis of Normanby; — the insult offered to his mistress, whom Mr. Wesley handed out of his house; in consequence of which he was obliged to resign the living of South Ormsby, which had been given him by that nobleman.
That the Marchioness should have used her endeavours with the Marquis to get Mrp Wesley this donation is not to be wondered at>
lor the above reason; and the Marquis himself, though highly incensed for the time, had good sense enough to see that the minister of God had done only his duty in the matter which had given his Lordship so much displeasure.
In the same Letter a very grievous and distressing occurrence is thus related. After mentioning the joy he felt on being enabled to discharge so many small debts, in consequence of which he was permitted to take his own harvest, he adds, —
“But he that’s born to be a poet must, I am afraid, live and die so, [that is, poor;] for, on the last of July, [1702] a fire broke out in my house by some sparks which took hold of the thatch this dry time, and consumed about two thirds of it before it could be quenched. I was at the lower end of the town to visit a sick person, and thence to R. Cogan’s. As I was returning, they brought me the news: I got one of his horses, rode up, and heard by the way that my wife, children, and books were saved; for which God be praised, as well as for what He has taken. They were all together in my study, and the fire under them. When it broke out she got two of the children in her arms, and ran through the smoke and fire; but one of them was left in the hurry till the other cried for her; and the neighbours ran in and got her out through the fire, as they did my books, and most of my goods ;-<-this very paper amongst the restj which 1 afterwards found, as I was looking over what was saved.
“I find ’tis some happiness to have been miserable; for my mind has been so blunted with former misfortunes, that this scarce made any impression upon me. I shall go on by God’s assistance to take my tithe, and when that’s in to rebuild my house, having at last crowded my family into what’s left, and not missing many of my goods.
“I humbly ask your Grace’s pardon for this long melancholy story, and leave to subscribe myself
Your Grace’s
ever obliged and most humble servant,
S. Wesley.”
It is rather singular that on the quarto sheet of paper on which this Letter is written he had begun a Letter to the Archbishop in the last month, having just written these words, —
“Epicorth, July 25, 1702.
My Lord,”
Not having time then to proceed, this sheet lay ready in his study for his farther entries; was saved out of the fire with the rest of hLs books and papers, the fire having consumed about four square inches of the lower corner of the fly leaf. On this burnt paper was the above Letter written. It lies before me, a monument of God’s mercy in preserving from so near a death his wife and children. The stains of the water that helped to quench the burning are still evident on the paper. It was in the following year that the Founder of the Methodists was born.
Mr. Wesley speaks of the fire being occasioned “by some sparks which took hold of the thatch” The house was of such materials as rendered it exceedingly liable to damage by fire. It was a very humble dwelling; and I am enabled to lay before the Reader a perfect description of the whole building, from the most. authentic source; a survey taken June 19, Anno Regni Jacobi, D. Gr. 4 and 40. A. D. 1607, 1”. e. in the fourth year of King James’ reign in England, and fortieth in Scotland.
Epworth? A Survey or Terrier of all the Possessions belonging
Rectoria. 3 to the Rectorie of Epworth, made and taken by the viewe Perambulation and Estimate of the Minister, Church wardens and sidesmen and others, Inhabitants, there being nominated and appointed by William Folkingham gent. General Surveyor of Church gleabs and possessions within the Diocese of Lincoln, by virtue of a Commission decreed by the Rev. Father in God, William L. Bishoppe of Lincoln, in execution, of the Canon on that behalf established.
Imprimis. The Home Stall, or Sate of the Parsonage, situate and lyenge betweene the field on the East, and Lancaster Lane on the West; and abuttinge upon the Heigh-Street on the South, and of John Maw (sonne of Thomas) his tennement, and a Croft on the North: and contayns by Estimation 3 Acres.
Item. One Hemp Kiln that hath been usealeie occupied for the Parsonage ground, adjoyning upon the South.*
Item. Within the said Bounds are conteined the Parsonage House, consisting of 5 Baies, built all of timber and plaister, and covered with straw thache, the whole building being contrived into 3 stories, and disposed in 7 cheife Rooms viz: A Kitchinge, a Hall) a Parlour, a Butterie, and three large upper rooms; besydes som others of common use: and also a little garden empailed, betweene the stone wall and the South, on the South.
Item. One Barn of 6 Bates, built all of timber and clay walk, and covered with straw thache; and out shotts about it, and one free house therebye.
Item. One Dovecoate of Timber and Plaisterf covered with straw thache y &c.
As the rest of this terrier refers to the glebe lands belonging to the Rectory, it is unnecessary to transcribe it. Only one thing may bo noticed, that about twenty-seven acres that originally belonged to this Rectory are not now to be found, as the boundaries in the description are no longer capable of being ascertained.
Such was the parsonage house at Epworth, which by this fire was nearly consumed; and which in a few years afterwards was totally burnt down, and rebuilt at Mr. Wesley’s own expense; which house remains to the present day; in all respects greatly superior to the preceding.
The Archbishop, to whom this account was sent, came forward both with his purse and his influence, as on former occasions; and this produced the following Letter, drawn up in the true spirit of gratitude, and in language at once deeply pious, and highly dignified.
Epworth, Mart. 20, 1703.”
“My Lord,
I have heard that all great men have the art of forgetful ness, but never found it in such perfection as in your Lordship: only it is in a different way from others; for most forget their promises, but your Grace those benefits you have conferred. I am pretty confident your Grace neither reflects on nor imagines how much you have done for me; nor what sums I have received by your Lordship’s bounty and favour; without which I had been ere this mouldy in a jayl, and sunk a thousand fathom below nothing.
“Will your Grace permit me to shew you an account of some of them?
L. s.d.
From the Marchioness of Normanby 20 0 0
The Lady Northampton (I think) 20 0 0
Duke of Buckingham and Duchess, 2 years since 26 17 6
The Queen 43 0 0
The Bishop of Sarum 40 0 0
The Archbishop of York, at least 10 0 0
Besides lent to (almost) a desperate debtor 25 0 0
“A frightful sum, if one saw it all together: but it is beyond thanks, and I must never hope to perform that as I ought till another world; where, if I get first into the harbour, I hope none shall go before me in welcoming your Lordship into everlasting habitations; where you will be no more tired with my follies, nor concerned at my misfortunes. However I may pray for your Grace while I have breath, and that for something nobler than this world can give; it is for the increase of God’s favour, of the light of His rountenane. apd of mr. wesley’s ancestors.
of the foretastes of those joys, the firm belief whereof can only support us in this weary wilderness. And, if it be not too bold a request, I beg your Grace would not forget me, though it be but u your prayer for all sorts and conditions of men: among whom, an one has been more obliged to your Grace, so I am sure none ought to have a deeper sense of it than
Your Grace’s most dutiful,,
and most humble servant,
S. Wesley/*
In May ITOj there was a contested election for the county of Lincoln. Sir John Thorold and a person called The Champion, Dymoke, the late members, were opposed by Colonel Whichcott and Mr. Alb. Bertie. Mr. Wesley, supposing there was a design to raise up Presbyterianism over the Church, and that Whichcott and Bertie were favourable to it, (in consequence of which the Dissenters were all in their interest,) espoused the other party; which happening to be unpopular and unsuccessful, he was exposed to great insult and danger; not only by the mobs, but by some leading men of the successful faction. There is before me a long account of these shameful transactions in two Letters written to Archbishop Sharp, from which I shall extract only a few particulars.
I went to Lincoln on Tuesday night, May 29th; and the election began on Wednesday, 30th. A great part of the night our Isle people kept drumming, shouting, and firing of pistols and guns under the window where my wife lay; who had been brought to bed not three weeks. I had put the child to nurse over against my own house: the noise kept his nurse waking till one or two in the morning. Then they left off; and the nurse being heavy to sleep, overlaid the child. She waked; and finding it dead, ran over with it to my house, almost distracted; and calling my servants, threw it into their arms. They, as wise as she, ran up with it to my wife: and before she was well awake threw it cold and dead into hers. She composed herself as well as she could, and that day got it buried.
“A clergyman met me in the castle yard; and told me to withdraw, for the Isle men intended me a mischief. Another told me he had heard near twenty of them say, if they got me in the castle yard, they would squeeze my guts out. My serv ant had the same advice. I went by Gainsbro’*. and God preserved me.
H When they knew I was got home, they sent the drum and mob, with guns, &c. as usual, to compliment me till after midnight. One of them passing by on Friday evening, and seeing my children in the yard, cried out, e O ye devils! we will come and turn ye all out of doors a begging shortly.’ God convert them, and forgive them!
“All this, thank God, does not in the least sink my wife’s spirits. For my own I feel them disturbed and disordered: but for all that, I am going on with my Reply to Palmer; which, whether I am in prison or out of it, I hope to get finished by the next Sessions of Parliament, for I have now no more regiments to lose.
S. Wesley.”
“Epworth, June 7th, 1705.
As J totally disapprove a minister of the gospel entering into party poliiic.’ and especially into electioneering affairs, I cannot but blame Mr. Wesley for the part he took in these transactions; for even according to his own shewing, he acted imprudently, and laid himself open to those who waited for his halting, and who seemed to think they did God service by doing him a mischief; because they knew him to be a high Churchman, and consequently an enemy to their religious system. He was in their power, — under pecuniary obligations to some principal men among them; and he was often led to understand, by no obscure intimations, that he must either im= mediately discharge those obligations, which he required time to enable him to do, or else expect to be shortly lodged in Lincoln Castle, These were not vain threats: they had already contrived to strip him of his chaplaincy to Colonel Lepelle’s regiment; and. how much farther they proceeded the following Letter to the Archbishop of York will tell : — -
“Lincoln Castle, June 25, 1705.
“My Lord,
“Now I am at rest, for I am come to the haven where I’ve long expected to be. On Friday last, [June 23] when I had been in christening a child at Epworth, I was arrested in my church yard by one who had been my servant, and gathered my tithe last year, at the suit of one of Mr. Whichcott’s relations and zealous friends [Mr. Pinder] according to their promise, when they were in the Isle be-= fore the election. The sum was not thirty pounds: but it was as good as five hundred. Now they knew the burning of my flax, my London journey, and their throwing me out of my regiment, had both sunk my credit and exhausted my money. My adversary was sent to, when I was on the road, to meet me, that I might make some proposals to him. But all his answer, (which I have by me,) was, that ‘I must immediately pay the whole sum, or go to prison.’ Thither I went, with no great concern for myself; and find much more civility of mr. wesley’s ancestors.
and satisfaction here than in brevibus gyaris of my own Epworth. I thank God, my wife was pretty well recovered, and churched some days before I was taken from her; and hope she’ll be able to look to my family, if they don’t turn them out of doors, as they have often threatened to do. One of my biggest concerns was my being forced to leave my poor lambs in the midst of so many wolves. But the great Shepherd is able to provide for them, and to preserve them. My wife bears it with that courage which becomes her, and which I expected from her.
“I don’t despair of doing some good here, (and so long I sha’n’t quite lose the end of living) and it may be do more in this new parish than in my old one: for I have leave to read Prayers every morning and afternoon here in the prison, and to preach once a Sun day, which I choose to do in the afternoon, when there is no sermon at the minster. And I’m getting acquainted with my brother jayl-birds as fast as I can; and shall write to London next post, to the Society for propagating Christian Knowledge, who, I hope, will send me some books to distribute among them.
“I should not write these things from a jayl if I thought your Grace would believe me ever the less for my being here; where, if I -should lay my bones, I’d bless God, and pray for your Grace. u Your Grace’s very obliged
and most humble Servant,
S. Wesley.”
It was not likely that a tale so afflictive as the preceding should leave the pious heart of the good Archbishop Sharp unaffected. He wrote to Mr. Wesley on the 30th a kind Letter, stating his sympathy, and what he had heard against him; especially as to his great obligation to Colonel Whichcott, &c. This letter he immediately an- swers, — gives a satisfactory expose of all his affairs, — his debts — and how they were contracted; — at the same time shewing that the reports which had reached the ears of his Grace were perfectly false, and adduces proof; — and concludes this part of his Letter with pathetically entreating his Grace “not to be in haste to credit what they report of me, for really lies are the manufacture of the party; and they have raised so many against me, and spread them so wide, that I am sometimes tempted to print my case in my own vindication.”
I shall give another extract from this Letter which satisfactorily accounts for the way in which his heavy debts were contracted, and how his consequent embarrassments arose :- — - “Lincoln Castle, July 10, 1705.
i{ My Lord,
“Then I am not forgotten, neither by God nor your
Lordship. -My debts are about 300/., which I have contracted by
a series of misfortunes not unknown to your Grace. The falling of my parsonage barn, before I had recovered the taking my living; the burning great part of my dwelling-house about two years since, and all my flax last winter; — the fall of my income nearly one half, by the low price of grain; — the almost entire failure of my flax this year, which uses to be the better half of my revenue; — with my numerous family, and the taking this regiment from me, which I had obtained with so much expense and trouble, have at last crushed me, though I struggled as long as I was able. Yet I hope to rise again, as I have always done when at the lowest; and I think I cannot be much lower now.”
Tarty spirit, especially in political matters, is the great disgrace and curse of England. This spirit knows no friend; feels no obligation; is unacquainted with all dictates of honesty, charity, and mercy; and leaves no stone unturned to ruin the object of its hate. We have elections by law no more than once in seven years; and the mischief that is then done to the moral character of the nation is scarcely repaired in the succeeding seven. All the charities of life are outraged and trampled under foot by it; common honesty is not heard, and lies and defamation go abroad by wholesale. The rascal many catch the evil reports which the opposed candidates and their committees spread of each other, and the characters of the best men in the land are wounded and lie bleeding, till slow-paced oblivion cancels the remembrance of the traasactions which gave them birth. Even now, when the nation is improved in its morals to an astonishing degree, these evils live in mighty vigour and gigantic form. What then must they have been more than one hundred years ago, when the Nation was torn by civil and religious factions; and when a man knew not his own kindred but as they were arranged with him under his own creed and the banner of his party.
Mr. Wesley and his family had aiready suffered much through the rage, and I may add malice, of the political party, the interests of which his conscience would not permit him to espouse. And he had his reasons; he knew the party, their views, and their designs; and he had counted the cost, for he well knew the penalty annexed to his opposition. They were not content with loading him with obloquies, and casting him into prison: but proceeded further to destroy his family, by drying up the sources whence they derived the necessaries of life! The following Letter to the Archbishop gives terrible proof of this implacable malevolence, —
“Lincoln Castle, Sept. 12, 1705.
“My Lord,
“?Tis happy for me that your Grace has entertained no ill opinion of me, and won’t alter what you have entertained, without reason. But it is still happier that I serve a master who cannot be deceived, and who I am sure will never forsake me. A jayl is a paradise in comparison of the life I led before I came hither. No man has worked truer for bread than I have done, and few have lived harder, or their families either. I am grown weary of vindicating myself; not, I thank God, that my spirits sink, or that I have not right of my side, but because I have almost a whole world against me, and therefore shall in the main leave my cause to the righteous Judge.”
He goes on to mention two points in which he was cruelly misrepresented, as if certain evils done to him had come by accident, or were done by himself. What particularly concerns the present Memoir is the following: —
“The other matter is concerning the stabbing my cows in the night since I came hither, but a few weeks ago; and endeavouring thereby to starve my forlorn family in my absence; my cows being all dryed by it, which was their chief subsistence; though I hope they had not the power to kill any of them outright.
“They found out a good expedient after it was done to turn it off, and divert the cry of the world against them; and it was to spread a report that my own braion did this mischief; though at first they said my cows ran against a scythe and wounded themselves.
“As for the brawn, I think any impartial jury would bring him in not guilty, on hearing the evidence. There were three cows all wounded at the same time, one of them in three places: the biggest was a flesh wound, not slanting but directly in, towards the heart, which it only missed by glancing outward on the rib. It was nine inches deep; whereas the braw?17s tusks were hardly two inches long. All conclude that the work was done with a sword, by the breadth and shape of the orifice. The same night the iron latch of my door was twined off, and the wood hacked in order to shoot back the lock, which nobody will think was with an intention to rob my family. My house dog, who made a huge noise within doors, was sufficiently punished for his want of politics and moderation; for the next day but one his leg was almost chopped off by an unknown hand. ‘Tis not every one could bear these things: but I bless God my wife is less concerned with suffering them than I am in the writing; or than I believe your Grace will be in reading them. She is not what she is represented, any more than me. I believe it was this foul beast, of a-worse-than-Erymanthean-boar already mentioned, who fired my flax by rubbing his tusks againt the wall; but that was no great matter, since it is now reported I had but Jive pounds loss.
6t O my Lord! I once more repeat it, that I shall some time have a more equal Judge than any in this world.
“Most of my friends advise me to leave Epworth if e’er I should get from hence. I confess I am not of that mind, because I may yet do good there; and ’tis like a coward, to desert my post because the enemy fire thick upon me. They have only wounded me yet. and I believe can’t kill me. I hope to be at home by Xmas, God help my poor family! For myself, I have but one life: but while that lasts, shall be,
Your Grace’s ever obliged
and most humble servant,
S. Wesley.”
As it was evident his sufferings were occasioned by the malice of those who hated both his ecclesiastical and state politics; the clergy and several who were well affected to the government, lent him prompt and effectual assistance, so that in a short time more than half of his debts were paid, and all the rest in a train of being liquidated. These things he mentions with the highest gratitude in the following Letter to the Archbishop of York: —
Lincoln Castle, Jr. [Sepr.] 17, 1705.
“My Lord,
“I am so full of God’s mercies that neither my eyes nor heart can hold them. When I came hither, my stock was but little above ten shillings, and my wife’s at home scarce so much. She soon sent me her rings, because she had nothing else to relieve me with: but I returned them, and God soon provided for me. The most of those who have been my benefactors keep themselves concealed. But they are all known to him who first put it into their hearts to shew me so’ much kindness; and I beg your Grace to assist me to praise God for it, and to pray for His blessing upon them.
“This day I have received a letter from Mr. Hoar, that he has paid ninety-five pounds, which he has received from me. He adds that ‘a very great man has just sent him thirty pounds more;’ he mentions not his name, though surely it must be my patron. I find I walk a deal lighter; and hope I shall sleep better now these sums are paid, which will make almost half my debts. I am a bad beggar, and worse at returning formal thanks: but I can pray heartily for my benefactors; and I hope I shall do it while I live, and so long beg to be esteemed
Your Grace’s most obliged,
and thankful humble servant,
Samuel Wesley.”
I find no account of Mr. Wesley’s liberation from Lincoln Castle, where he had now been for about three months: but I suppose it took place shortly after this, and that he was with his family by Christmas. He appears to have got on in life much more pleasantly than before; and the evil which his enemies intended him was turned to his advantage; the wrath of man praised God, and the remainder of it He restrained. I meet with no more complaints in “his correspondence, which with the Archbishop of York appears to have been interrupted till the year 1707, when it was resumed on merely clerical business.
I have already had occasion several times to refer to the Poem on the Battle of Blenheim, which was written in 1705, and procured him a chaplainship in the Army. This Poem I have never seen in print, nor do I know where it thus exists (though I believe it was printed in a folio pamphlet, about this time:) but a fine copy, undoubtedly the original, written out in his best hand, by Mr. Wesley himself, and sent to the Archbishop of York, now lies before me? and may be finally lost, if not inserted here. It contains Jive hundred and ninety-four lines, and is intituled,
MARLBOROUGH,
OR THE
FATE OF EUROPE.
Far from the sun and regions bless’d and mild.
Almost to utmost Thule here exil’d,
Forgetting and forgotten Jong I lay,
Nor once wak’d up, nor had one thought of day:
As Greenland plants which neither breathe nor grow.
When press’d beneath eternal hills of snow;
As frozen insects to some crevice fly,
From winter’s rage, and die or seem to die;
Yet when the sun returns they all revive,
And taste his genial rays, and wonder how they live 10
Such was the change, when Fame and Conquest joined,
And garlands for the Hero’s temples twin’d.
On Khetian Alps the vocal goddess stood,
And ruin saw beneath, and seas of blood.
She saw the English lion fast advance,
And tear the lyses from the arms of France.
Thrice did she Marlborough and conquest sound,
And spread the news through all her endless round;
To Asian fields by sanguine Isier borne,
And regions bordering on the rising morn.
For Gallic fields more slowly mov’d the Rhone,
And fill’d them with an universal groan.
The joyful Rhine, a captive now no more,
Urg’d on its waves to greet the Belgic shore.
Fair Thames and Midway hear, nor would they stay.
But to Agusta’s walls, with shouts, the news convey.
Nor my lov’d Trent unmov’d; though calm before,
She with a double eagre sweeps the shore;
They only echo to the voice of Fame,
Conquest and Marlborough they all proclaim.
Goddess, resume thy long neglected lyre,
Once more the vocal strings with soul inspire,
The Hero sing, and of his fame partake,
While his immortal deeds thy song immortal make I
The Father who the fates of empires weighs,
And with impartial eye the world surveys,
Beheld the Gallic pow’r so haughty grown,
It dar’d rebel and struggle with His own,
Snatch at His thunder, and affect His throne.
They even transcend great Nature’s stedfast mound,
Reverse her laws, and good and ill confound.
Force is their right; their oaths their sacred word,
Short lived convenience, and their god their sword.
Nor this the eternal Sun who shines above,
Whose essence’s truth, whose beauteous rays are love;
Who will not force the mind, but gently draws,
And whose wise goodness to His pow’r gives law?:
He saw the monster swell to vast excess,
Her ancient bounds with scornful pride transgress:
One wing beyond the cloudy Alps was stretch’d,
O’er Fyrenean rocks her other reach’d:
The volumes of her vast enormous train,
To worlds unknown beyond the Atlantic main.
The German Eagle next, the wings t’ invade,
While nations shake beneath her deadly shade:
The royal Bird in vain his thunder bears,
And oft though struck to earth himself he rears:
Cuff’d and disabled oft, attempts to rise.
And re-assume his empire in the skies;
Wounded and faint, maintains a feeble fight,
With equal valour, but inferior might.
The Dragon’s teeth, fierce new-born armies yield,
An iron harvest round the moisten d field;
Intestine foes the Sacred Empire tear,
And in her bowels urge unnatural war.
A prosperous traitor, with invaders join’d,
To ruin what barbarians spar’d design’d:
Germany is no more; the Gauls advance,
O’er captive Isters streams, and all is France.
Hardly their fam’d metropolis appear’d,
And something now beyond the Turks they fear’d.
Like some strong town whose walls the foe had gain’d
The narrow citadel alone remain’d,
Ill-guarded, half-deserted, and distress’d,
A panic terror seizing every breast.
Liguria pass’d, again the furious Gaul,
Might Rome have sack’d, and press’d the capitol.
But Rome submits, nor boasts her mighty deeds,
Infallible, — while Gallic pow’r succeeds.
Yet still more base, perfidious aid she lends,
And with mean arts betrays her ancient friends;
Retreating slow with rage the floods they cross’d;
What they by valour gain’d, by treason lost.
The wrhile, a joy to madness near ally’d,
Lutetia’s temples rends, and swells her pride:
The Pagans’ sanguine rites reproach no more,
Or Scythian altars stain’d with human gore,
When mis-nam’d Christians dare affront the skies,
And myriads after myriads sacrifice;
Rank in their squadrons every guiltless star,
And make them parties in their impious war.
Yet think no grateful incense can aspire,
Like smoke from towns that shine with hostile fire.
Couriers on breathless couriers daily sent,
Fresh laurels bring, and fame itself prevent.
Te Dcums now are vulgar anthems grown,
From matins and from vespers hardly known.
Those decent thanks for heaven they spare, ’tis true,
But to their Monarch think far more is due.
New blasphemies, new adorations paid,
They kiss his feet, and still implore his aid.
If Lewis shine, they laugh at those above;
As father Nile alone is Egypt’s Jove.
Elated even beyond their nations pride,
Themselves, as well as him, they deified.
While Leivis like the Sajniari tyrant reigns,
And Fortune by his chariot leads in chains
The bounds of human happiness surpass’d,
To the third heir, he sees his ill got conquests last.
Such was the face of things, such Europe’s state, 110
When thus the Sovereign Arbiter of Fate: — “Thus far have we the oppressor’s fall delay d
“But here shall his insulting waves be stay’d.
” Worthy our vengeful thunder now he grows;
“And now ’tis worthy heaven to interpose: 115
“This moment’s fix’d by our unchang’d decree
“The utmost verge of prosp’rous Tyranny.”
Then of the pow’rs which near His throne attend,
And by the wond’rous golden chain descend,
He singles these: — first Prudence, heavenly fair, 120
Her looks unclouded, yet with thoughtful air.
The next was Fortitude; — what sprightly grace
And promises of conquest in her face!
Celerity was in commission join’d,
Whose wings outfly the lightning and the wind, 125
Then Secrecy with modest glories crown’d,
And rob’d with awful clouds, which heaven’s bright throne surround.
“Go to the man,” he said, “by us design’d
“To humble France, and Europe’s chains unbind:
” Go, and our seal’d commission with you bear, 130
“His constant guards, and partners of the war.”
By intuition they his name discern’d;
Yet unpronounc’d lest by some traitor learn’d,
Crowding disguis’d among the sons of Day,
He should th’ important truth to Hell’s allies convey. 135
They bow’d; and swerving down the deep descent,
Borne on a beauteous lunar rainbow went,
And Marlborough! alighted at thy Tent;
As on Mosella’s streams thy squadrons lay,
Waiting for thee, and the returning day. 140
For now the silent noon of night was o’er,
And Phoebe hastened to her eastern shore.
Thoughtful they found the chief, his head reclin’d,
The fate of Europe labouring in his mind.
His heavenly friends unseen assistance brought, 145
Mould the great scheme, and polish every thought;
Till ripened with new vigour in his eyes,
And waked from deep concern, — “It must be thus,” he cries:
“This saves our friends, and breaks th’ united powers
Of haughty France and Hell, if heaven be ours:” 150
Then calls to horse; his willing troops obey;
Speed marched before, and travell’d all the way;
While Secrecy a cloud around them drew,
Too thick for subtle spies or traitor’s view:
Such that which round God’s favourite armies spread,
And safe thro’ sandy worlds and trackless deserts led.
Dazzled at first the foes before him run,
Like birds obscene that cannot bear the sun;
O’er Ister’s streams their leader speeds his flight,
Immers’d in earth, and shuns the conscious light;
There, meditating mischief, doom’d to wait
Till France awhile prolongs and shares his fate.
Once more from earth th’ imperial Eagle springs,
And prunes his bolts and shakes his moulted wings:
Tho’ slow with wounds, his fate is pleas’d to try,
And bravely bid for death or victory;
Nor needs the heavenly courier, sent to guide
The British chief, unguarded leave his side:
The German heroes need not press to join
And share the glory of the brave design.
As when a matron by fierce ruffians found
Unguarded and alone is seized and bound;
If heaven to her unhoped assistance send,
Some generous warrior or some pow’rful friend;
They need not long her valiant sons persuade,
(Tis Nature’s kindly task) to join their aid;
They on the wings of love and duty fly,
Resolv’d to save her, or resolv’d to die.
Who first, who next, shall of these worthies claim
A deathless memory in the rolls of Fame!
Eugene the first such faith such valour shewn,
Adopted Germany’s and all her own:
Whose arms too well the Gallic ensigns know,
Oft met by Mincius, and the royal Po,
And roll’d in blood: Nor Baden’s sword in vain
On misbelievers drawn, he has his thousands slain.
Next him undaunted Hesse: — how young, how brave
A German all, he hates the name of slave,
Triumphant France his arms have taught to yield,
And trail’d their conqu’ring standards from the field.
More might I sing, in Time’s fair leaves enroll’d,
How prodigal of life, how largely soul’d!
Who when the rally’d foe with cautious fear
On Danube’s banks strove to secure their rear;
When Art and Nature in their camp unite
Forc’d the strong pass and put ’em both to flight:
Earnest of greater sums which Fate will pay,
A glorious morning to a brighter day.
See where the French new Hydra armies send
At once to ruin and assist their friend:
Till when too weak, he not disdains to try
Base faith-breach and unprincely treachery,
Virtues he copied from his great ally:
Obtending treaty would our faith abuse,
And where he can’t resist our arms, amuse. 205
But Prudence, calling Diffidence to aid,
To the confederate chief the fraud displayed:
So may they join in happy hour, said he,
Our fight will yield a double victory.
Devotion which too oft in camps has been 21T)
A stranger, nor in temples always seen,
Drawn by his great example and desire,
Returns, and does his vigorous troops inspire
With a new warmth, and more than martial fire.
When Heaven they conquer, how can man withstand, 215
Or mortal strength resist the Almighty’s hand?
Secure of fate, they on success rely,
•Tis with them equal now to sleep or die.
They with their strong cherubic guards unite,
And like the Thundering Legion pray and fight; 220
For now the long expected morn arose,
Which shewed them their desire, the united foes.
Not eager lovers with more transport see
Long absent friends than these their enemy.
Though all they wished, the numbers and the ground 225
Was theirs, and hills, and woods, and shades profound;
Without such odds we had not fought ’em fair,
Deep trenches here, and tow’ring ramparts there:
A wall of cannons, which in fire and smoke
Their master’s last and only reason spoke. 230
Their flank the Danube fatally secures
Whose stream a foreign Lord ill pleased endures,
But like the towns whose captive walls he laves,
Which blush to see their towers reflected from his waves,
The approaching happy moment waits with pain, 235
When Fate and Marlborough shall break his chain.
Nor this sufficed. In front a deep morass,
Denying all that wanted wings to pass;
But soon our general’s conduct and his care
Strong flying bridges threw, and marched in ai?. 240
When from the bog’s abyss a phantom rose,
And did his vast tremendous form disclose,
All armed in burnished brass: a shield he wore
Of polished steel, with lyses powdered o’er,
Whose drooping heads surcharged with human gore., 245
Superb his air, as when from bliss he -fell;
He was no vulgar potentate in hell.
“Shall we look on, and no assistance lend
Our darling nation, and our bravest friend?
Must then a woman crush our rising state? 250
O Envy! O Maligntty of fate!
Can Bourbon fall like feeble Austria! Can
A God confessed submit to less than man? — Ye powers! do two Elizas breathe in Anne!
Shall partial heaven her arms and counsels guide,
And for her favourite chief such guards provide!
(He saw the shining warriors by his side.)
Must Nature’s self within his ranks take pay,
While pushing on the great decisive day?
Big with such vast events, bold mortal, stay i
Though water, earth, and air I must resign,
I’ll try if all the elements be thine,
Turenne. and Schomberg! for a third prepare
Your silent shades; this moment sees him there!”
He said, then to a murdering cannon pressed, 2
Traversed the piece, and points it at his breast;
One of his train gives fire, the bullet takes its flight,
And drew behind a trail of deadly light:
But glorious Michael, who attends unseen,
Steps in and claps his sevenfold targe between
‘Twas he for the Red- Cross adorned his breast,
And the Old Dragon’s spoils his dreadful crest.
Dropped short the fiery messenger of death,
As with’his journey tired and out of breath.
The fiend blasphemed his hopeful project crossed,
And thrice renounced what long before he’d lost:
He thence amid the thickest ranks retires,
And all with his own desperate rage inspires.
‘Twas well his caitiff body was but air,
Or Marlborough had found and seized him there,
Who, all things now prepared to strike the blow,
Thus to his English soldiers, Here’s the foe!
Like air, like fire, like English swift they ran,
With well known shouts the bloody toil began.
Now fight, Philistines, or your Dagon’s gone,
The sacred ark prevails, and you’re undone.
They did as Lewis were himself in sight;
As who for life, and more for empire fight,
Forget themselves; and charge and charge again,
Nor only in their onset more than men,
Rallied and rallied, till though bored and broke,
And death with death repaid, and stroke with stroke.
And did we shrink? Did English troops give wa?
Say ye who felt them, brave, though conquered, s&;
Pressed by your numbers, did we seem to fly,
Or start? Did any leave his rank to die!
How decently they fell, unknowing none to yield,
And with their manly bodies strewed the field!
What Warriors those, with death encompassed round.
It should be Cutis, but he’s without a wound:
So many a scar from former fields he wore,
He now escapes, there was no room for more!
Thus stars which in the galaxy combine
With numerous beams, yet undistinguished shine.
Look down, ye blessed! O Courcy, Talbot, Vere, 305
Look down, and know your genuine offspring here!
Glory’s too mean a prize, ’tis false, though bright:
But these for liberty and Europe fight.
Tis fairly thrown, the gains will quit the cost;
This evening sees a world preserved or lost. 310
At distance labouring round great Eugene see,
And with him the remains of Germany.
What life, what spirit, what superior air?
How can such troops be beat when Eugene’s there?
Nor were they unemployed; nor would the foe 315
Led by Bavaria, yield without a blow.
So a fell wolf that long unchecked has prowl’d,
And scour’d the plains, and stormed the trembling fold;
When him the shepherds to his covert track,
And aided by their faithf uldogs attack; 320
Oblique he grins, fierce though encompassed round,
Still fights, and none escapes without a wound.
Gf troops, brigades, and wings, the rest take care,
But Marlborough alone is every where;
As prudence bids, the various battle views; 325
Like nature, what is lost by time and death renews;
Till courage calls, her well known voice he hears,
Erect and greater than himself appears.
With him the English cavalry advance,
And charge and mingle with the flower of France. 330
They feel the odds, their ancient lords they fly,
And now had little else to do but die.
Churchill who like his brother look’d and fought,
One army slew, another captive brought:
While by Lord Hesse, the Belgic squadrons led, 335
Like English charg’d; the French admired antf fled.
For now ’tis done; the mighty struggle’s pass’d;
The braver juster side prevails at last.
France may be beat; her boasted reign is o’er,
The scourge and terror of the world’s no more, 340
There, Lewis! all thy blasted laurels lie;
And there, thy universal monarchy!
Thy hoary warriors boast their spoils in vain: *
Th’ Invincibles are broke; th’ immortal squadrojis slain i
Let chronicles to future worlds recite 345
The carnage and the relics of the fight;
What thousands plunge in death their lives to save,
And sought glad refuge underneath the wave;
op mr. weslby’s ancestors.
Sinking, a ghastly look behind them threw,
Lest to the bottom we should them pursue;
While their more valiant leader dared survive,
And to adorn our triumphs deigns to live.
What armies we of generals led away,
What lumber-captains, and how vast a prey;
Troops of noblesse, battoons, and mangled peers,
How many a house in France that mourning wears
Tho’ kind gazettes repair the loss with ease,
And raise new paper-squadrons as they please.
But why so slow? Why does not Lewis stamp,
Or with a nod recruit Bavaria’s camp?
Must he for nature’s tardy methods wait,
Th’ immortals in an instant can create.
Why then delay his succours ‘till the spring,
Since greater honour to his pow’r ‘twould bring
To make an army than to make a king.
Or did he leave his friend to fall so low,
The greater pow’r in his relief to shew?
Nor did he at the shadow snatch in vain.
See him ambitious regal honours gain,
E’en in his flight, for thus did France ordain.
‘Till the next vacancy preferment brings,
And ranks him in the college of his kings.
Gazettes may fill the triumphs that remain
We glean some dukes, and a few towns we gain
Before, the work of but one large campaign.
We came, we conquered, ev’n before we saw
Jiugsburg and Vim, and thee regain’d, Landau!
And now for peace should Europe humbly sue.
And gen’rous France the treaty deign renew;
Should she the glory of her arms deny,
And condescend to part with Germany,
Her righteous cause so must an umpire leave,
As cannot be deceived nor can deceive;
The Infallible at Rome, the sacred chair,
Where faith can hardly with her own compare: — What happy halcyon days must needs ensue
How just, how firm th’ alliance, and how true!
Next to have ne’er begun the war how bless’d
Our land, of peace on such fair terms possess’d.
Thus soon may Lewis move, and thus may those
Who scarce disguis’d declare for Europe’s foes;
And had their sage advice prevail’d before,
Marlborough ne’er had left our English shore,
The mighty work had still been uncomplete,
And heaven in vain had form’d him well and great
We merit chains if France again we trust,
Who will not, cannot, to her oaths be just.
Her frowns are many, but her smiles are base:
These fairly kill; those stab with an embrace,
Bavaria, Savoy, greater names can say
How dearly for her friendship fond to pay,
May those be bless’d with such a strong ally,
Who start at swords, and would by ling’ring poisons die!
Let war, and let more hundred millions come,
And worse perhaps than either, feuds at home.
So our loud crimes may not so high ascend,
As to pull down the curse of having France our friend!
The die is cast, and fortune courts the brave
No medium’s left, he must be lord or slave.
Too long, illustrious chief! have we delay’d
The praise, the triumphs, which can ne’er be paid,
We lent thee to th’ allies, but never gave;
Hast thou another Germany to save?
At length he comes, and leaves the Belgian shore;
What myriads stretch to meet him half seas o’er;
While his lov’d name their hearts and lips employs.
Prevents their eyes, and antedates their joys.
Some praise his equal conduct in the state.
In council calm, unmoved by warm debate
Great in the court, yet him the country bless
Great in the camp, how rare a happiness!
Above a narrow faction’s mean design,
True as the sun to his meridian line.
These his dexterity for business made,
His application these, and timely aid.
Some his humanity; how easy of access.,
How prone to save, and pity and redress;
How form’d to help, how made to please and bless!
While others choose his laurels fetch’d from far,
Fight o’er his battles, and renew the war.
Like the Great Spirit that moves this varied whole
Is Marlborough his numerous armies’ soul.
‘Tis he informs each part, his looks inspire
With vig’rous wisdom and with temper’d fire.
Nothing he leaves to chance’s blind pretence,
But all is prudence, all is providence.
Firm and intrepid to the last degree,
Alike from slowness, and from rashness free;
The French and German virtues he unites,
Like one consults, and like the other fights,
Above mean arts of spinning long campaigns,
Where both must lose but neither party gains;
Twas not for this his English marclfd so far
He came to end, and not to make a war
The torrent of his conquests flows so fast,
Like waves the first is buried in the last;
When Liege the deluge of his arms subdued,
Bavaria might his gathering fate have view’d.
One summer’s isthmus only did repress,
The two vast rival seas of his success.
While Fate took time to breathe that instant o’ei
The waters rend away the narrow shore;
Both oceans meet, new hills on hills are toss’d
And mingling waves in friendly waves are lost.
The Macedonian youth, whose arms subdued
The Roman-Persians and the Indians rude,
Beyond a mortal lineage strove to rise,
And claim’d ambitious kindred with the skies
But had his phalanx won such fame as our’s,
And routed Bourbon’s and Bavaria’s powers,
For Hamilton’s son too great, he’d soar above,
And filled the car of Mars, or throne of Jove.
Our conqueror saves more than the Greek o’erran;
Yet bows to heaven, and owns himself a ma?i;
Forbids those altars we attempt to raise,
At once surmounts both vanity and praise!
But emperors alike and poets err,
Who strive to raise his finished character;
The name of Marlborough such worth proclaims.
Hero and prince to that are vulgar names:
His sovereign’s smiles, and heaven’s alone can pay
What Europe owes him for so great a day.
And now her awful head BriUannia rears
On Dubri’s cliffs, an azure robe she wears,
The sword and long contested trident bears;
While her white rooks the turrets of her court
Can scarce th’ impatient gamer’s weight support;
While thither all her subjects turn their eyes.
As Persians when their god prepares to rise,
And thousands after thousands crowding ran;
Pleas’d with the concourse, thus the nymph began:
£If ever joy admitted of excess,
It must be now, for mine is hardly less;
Already the lov’d man yon waits in sight,
The distant skies are fring’d with radiant light;
The waves can scarce support the weight he brings.
As proud as when they brought your captur’d kings.
Yet e’er once more his native lands are press’d,
And England with his glorious footsteps bles’d-With care a mother’s kind advice attend
Brittannia speaks, a mother and a friend:
So may you brighter trophies yet obtain,
Nor heav’n on favour’d Albion smile in vain.
Enough, my sons! enough of noise and strife,
And stern debate, the deadliest plagues of life 496
Now learn to love; your arrows close unite,
Unbroke and firm as your own ranks in fight
My Senates will, I know they will combine
To frustrate tottering France’s last design:
If those agree, she doubly must despair; 500
If not, we lose in peace our gains in war.
Contend they may, and warmly will debate,
Which most shall guard, and most adorn the state.
Or first my wishes and their own prevent,
In thanks for those high blessings heaven has sent- 505
Their only strife, their only grand contest,
Which loves their sovereign and their country best.
How weighty falls the curse on those whose pride
Or faction would those sacred names divide!
Why should they clash who equal good intend, 510
Or differ in their method more than end!
Preserve, my sons, those barriers heaven has made.
Let none my ancient landmarks dare invade!
Unenvious to yourselves your bliss possess,
And be for once content with happiness! 515
Look round the spacious globe, and find a spot,
(In vain ye seek it) that excels your lot.
Fire, Rapine, Famine, sweep all Europe’s plains y
Here, throned in blood, a moody tyrant reigns.
Weak councils and contending interests there 520
With much of pain, expense, intrigue and care,
Treasure eternal seeds of strife and war:
Here a young Phaeton drives furious on,
With his high seat and fortune giddier grown:
His hands would Jove’s own ponderous bolts retain, 525
That grasp the unwieldly forces of the main:
Rashless pursues what valour well began,
He’d kings unmake, and make, e’er he’s himself a man.
While sacred Themis in my Albion reigns,
Whose equal hand my sword and heaven’s sustains; 530
Impartial she, how fondly fabled blind,
Sent to redress the wrongs of all mankind.
See her the bright capacious balance hold,
Like that which shines above, and flames with heavenly gold.
In vain the Gaul his ancient arts has shewn, 535
And in the lighter scale his sword has thrown;
Her temper’d blade to th’ adverse scale applied,
His mounts in air, and feels the juster side:
Nor will she sheathe it, to the hilt embued
And drunk with hostile blood, till France and vice subdued; 540 Yet calm, as those above, if ought they know Ought that concerns their militant friends below
When tyrants here subdued or monsters slain,
A sober joy shoots round the eternal plain.
How firmly wise! how great her easy state!
What goodness does majestic power rebate.
Strong as Hyperion shoots his golden light;
Yet mild her rays, as Cynthia’s, and as bright.
Her soul, like the superior orbs serene,
Which know not what a cloud or tempest mean;
Though pointed flames are by their influence hurl’d,
A»d their unerring thunders awe the subject world,
If distant regions taste her friendly care,
How bless’d, who her maternal goodness share.
Her bounds beyond Herculean columns known,
And ancient Calpe’s walls her empire own i
While peace and justice she at home maintains,
And in her subjects’ hearts unrivall’d reigns.
Whom has she not obliged? How wretched those
Who are their own, and her’s, and virtue’s foes!
Eliza might have learnt from her to please;
Herself she taxes for her peoples’ ease:
WThat altars by her gen’rous hand supplied,
Whose flames have dimly roll’d, whose fires had died,
Shall shine with incense which her bounty threw,
And constant intercourse with heaven renew?
From thence a full return of blessings gain,
Nor have her grateful offerings blazed in vain.
The vested priests the cheerful flame surround,
Deserted domes are filled and altars crown ‘d.
For her their vows, for her their victims bleed,
Long, long may she herself, herself succeed!
Long, e’er from us and her lov’d prince she part,
Tis less to share a crown than share her heart.”
She said; and now the smiling surges bore
Her best loved son safe to her oozy shore.
But sooner may we count th’ unnumber’d sands
Than half the crowd of lifted eyes and hands.
The mingled smiles with floods of joyous tears;
The prayers, the shouts, when Marlborough appears.
She gazed intemperate on the hero’s face;
He saw and bowed, and ran to her embrace:
But what she said a mortal strives in vain,
‘Tis past the powers of numbers to explain.
Such was the moving scene, if not the same,
When love and his illustrious consort came,
Th’ unrivalled partner of his heart and fame!
Blow soft, ye gentle winds! let storms retire,
Ye gentle winds ambrosial sweets respire!
Soft as chaste lover’s sighs, let Nature bring
Th’ inverted year, and raise a second spring!
On foreign shores let war and winter rest,
Our happy isle of Marlborough possessed,
With peace and with eternal verdure blessed.
This long Poem would admit of much illustration: but as the transactions it records are all in common history, the Reader can find little difficulty in furnishing himself with the necessary elucidations. Instead therefore of a tissue of notes, I shall give a general account of the battle, which Mr. Wesley has so largely sung: —
The battle is frequently called in our histories The Battle of Hockstet; and also the Battle of Blenheim or Pleytheim. Hockstet is a fortified town of Germany, on the north side of the Danube, about twenty-nine miles south-west of Ulm, and ten west by south of Donawert.
Blenheim is only a village in the late circle of Bavaria, on the north of the Danube, about three miles east of Hockstet and thirty north-east of Ulm.
This famous battle was fought Aug. 13, 1704, between the French and Bavarians on the one side, commanded by Marshal Tallard, and the Elector of Bavaria; and the Allies on the other, commanded by the Duke of Marlborough and Prince Eugene of Savoy. The armies were nearly equal; the French had about sixty thousand veteran troops, and the Allies about fifty-two thousand. The English, Imperialists, Dutch, and Danes, of which the allied army was composed, were among the bravest of men, and had been accustomed to conquer. The French troops were those whom their great Monarch had led on to frequent victory; and had seldom been broken in the field, or shewed their backs to an enemy.
Owing to some gross errors committed by Marshal Tallard, of which the Duke of Marlborough knew well to avail himself, the French and Bavarians were defeated with the loss of nearly forty thousand men. Thirteen thousand were made prisoners, among whom were twelve hundred officers. Ten French battalions were entirely cut to pieces; thirty squadrons of horse and dragoons were forced into the Danube, most of whom were drowned. Marshal Tallard, owing to his extreme short-sightedness, mistaking a battalion of the Hessians, who fought in the pay of England, for his own troops, rode among them, and was taken prisoner. Among the prisoners were several of the French nobility. The Marquis De Montperaux, general of the horse; De Seppeville, De Silly, and Dc la Valiere, major-generals; Monsieur De la MassiUere, St. Pouange. De Legendais, and several others of distinction.
The Allies gained above one hundred pieces of cannon, twenty four mortars, one hundred and twenty-nine colours, one hundred aim seventy-one standards, seventeen pair of kettle drums, three thousand ix hundred tents, thirty-four coaches, three hundred laden mules, two bridges of boats, fifteen pontoons, twenty-four barrels, and eight casks of silver.
They lost four thousand four hundred and eighty-five men killed; seven thousand five hundred and twenty-five wounded, and two hundred and seventy-three lost or made prisoners; in all twelve thousand two hundred and eighty-three.
By this battle the Elector of Bavaria lost all his dominions, and the King of France the bravest of his armies; and by it the German empire, previously tottering to its centre, and trembling on the brink of total ruin, was freed from the French, and suddenly restored to its political consequence. It is not to be wondered at that the great hero under whose skill and management this important battle was gained should be loaded with honours and emoluments by those in whose service he had conquered. The Emperor of Germany made him a prince of the empire, and assigned him Mindelsheim in Suabia for his principality: this dignity Queen Anne not only permitted him to accept, but gave him the honor and manor of W oodstock, and the hundred of Wootton to him and his heirs for ever; and caused a palace to be built for him in Woodstock, called Blenheim-house; which stands equally a monument of his victories, of British munificence, and of the skill of the artist by whom it was constructed.
The Poem itself has passed its day of criticism; to attempt now to review its merits and defects would be lost labour. It abounds in both; it has many verses which contain beauties of the very first order: and it has others which are both lame and tame, and even worse than prose. But its principal defects are its great length, which is not sufficiently diversified with either fiction or incident to make it impressive, or even entertaining; and the very inadequate description of the battle which was fought with extraordinary obstinacy on both sides, and especially on the part of thirteen thousand French troops which were posted in Blenheim, and which all the power of the Allies could not dislodge, though they returned again and again to the attack, and sacrificed a majority of their infantry before this paltry village. Even when Marshal Tallord and the Elector of Bavaria were defeated, the brave troops which occupied this village kept their ground; and when after the total route of the French and Bavarian lines, they were left without succour, and there was not a general officer to conduct their retreat, they seemed to capitulate like a strong garrison, rather than surrender theffiSt Ives prisoners of -car. Had not Mr. Wesley’s prejudices a ainst the French been carried to the highest pitch, his muse must h ve found in the conduct M those brave troops a subject equal to the highest flight of her
strongest pinion. When the Duke of Marlborough visited his illustrious prisoner, Marshal Tallard, after the battle, the Marshal paid him the highest compliment by saying, My Lord, you have conquered the bravest army in the world: which compliment the Duke but ill repaid by answering, “I hope your Excellency will except those by whom they were vanquished.” What a subject for the heroic muse! An army among the bravest in Europe, led on by commanders worthy of their high trust, who were out-generalled and totally defeated by the only generals and troops in the universe which were capable of the fact. Here British glory might have been relieved and emblazoned by French bravery.
There is but one couplet in this Poem, on which I shall make any remark; — the poet describing the French park of artillery says, —
“A wall of cannons, which in fire and smoke
Their master’s last and only reason spoke.”
Lines 229, 30.
This is an allusion to the motto which Lewis XIV. placed on his brass ordnance, Ultima ratio Regum,” the last argument of Kings or, more compressedly, The logic of Kings. Rightly paraphrased thus; — Sic volo; sicjubeo: stat pro ratione voluntas — Thus I will; thus I command: and my will shall stand »in the place of reason and justice. I have seen some of these very cannon, with this inscription. This was a logic to which the French Jiave often resorted; and a logic with the rules of which the other powers ef Europe are not unacquainted.
That I may dismiss Mr. Wesley’s poetry at once, there is a piece of exquisite merit intituled Eupolis’ Hymn to the Creator, which was made either by him or his daughter Mrs. Wright, or by both conjointly, which I shall introduce here, after making a few remarks.
1. The Hymn is attributed to Eupolis, an Athenian comic poet, who flourished in the lxxxviiith Olympiad., four hundred and twenty-eight years before the incarnation of our Lord. He was killed in a naval engagement between the Athenians and Lacedemonians; and his death was so much lamented at Athens, that they made a law ’ that no poet should ever more bear arms. He is said to have written about twenty-four comedies, of which the names only are extant, and may be found in Fabricius’9 Bibl. Graec. Vol. I. p. 76*1.
A work called Sententia, printed at Basil, J 560, octavo, has been attributed to him. Of the present Poem I shall speak more particularly at the conclusion.
2. This Poem or Hymn is preceded by a dialogue between Plato and Eupolis: but neither it nor the Hymn have ever yet been given complete to the Public. In the present copy, there are eighty-four whole lines which have never been in print before; and the Dialogue is here, for the first time, given entire.
3. The original Dialogue and Hymn now lie before me; and were written partly by Mr. Samuel Wesley himself, and partly by his daughter Mrs. Wright. The Dialogue is in the handwriting of Mr. Wesley, and all those lines marked with sections: all the rest is in the handwriting of Mrs. W right.
4. In those verses written by Mrs. Wright there are frequent alterations and emendations in her father’s hand: but there is nothing of this kind in the verses written by him. Hence, one might be led to conclude that Mrs. Wright was the author of this beautiful Hymn; but that several alterations were made in it by her father, who has added to the amount of thirty-four lines, which are here marked with sections. Yet the profound and frequent classical allusions argue the hand of a first rate scholar, and seem to be far beyond what might be reasonably expected from any female of that time.
5. The lines printed here for the first time, and which are eighty* four in number, are distinguished by small asterisks.
6. I have added a series of Notes on the more difficult expressions and allusions, which otherwise might embarrass common Readers.
7. In the critique at the end of the Hymn, without noticing Mrs. Wright, I have joined with the general voice in attributing the Hymn, to the Rector of Epworth
EUPOLIS HIS HYMN TO THE CREATOR
THE (SUPPOSED*) OCCASION.
Part of a (new*) DIALOGUE between PLATO and EUPOLIS;
the rest not extant.
Eupolis. — But, Sir, is it not a little hard that you should banish all our fraternity from your new commonwealth ?f As for my own part, every body knows that I am but one of the minorum gentium. But what hurt has father Homer done, that you should dismiss him among the rest, though he has received the veneration of all ages: and Salamis was adjudged to us by the Spartans, on the authority of two of his verses ?| And you know it was in our own times that many of our citizens saved their lives, and met with civil treatment
* These words are written above the lines in the original, and at a different time, but in Mr. 9. Wesley’s hand.
t Your new commonwealth. — This refers to a treatise written by Plato, divided into ten books, and called TLcXirua.^ a Republic, or Commonwealth; in the third and tenth books of which he shews that poets pervert truth, cannot teach what may render the people happy, and tell intolerable tales of the gods.
X Two of his verses. — The two verses referred to here are the following: —
Iliad, lib ii. ver. 557.
With these appear the Salaminian bands
(Whom the gigantic Telamon commands:)
In twelve black ships to Troy they steer their course,
And with the great Athenians join their force.
Strabo, lib. ix. p. 394, relates that the Megarians having claimed Salamis a1- anciently a part of their possessions; the Athenians quoted the above lines tr shew, that in the time of Homer the island belonged to Athena, and in consequence Salamis was adjudged to the AthenisR« in Sicily, after our unfortunate expedition and defeat under Initios? by repeating some verses of Euripides.*
Plato. — Much may be done to save one’s life. I doubt not I should have done the same, though only to have regained my liberty when Dionysius sold me for a slave.t But those are only occasional accidents, and exempt cases, which are nothing to the first settling of a state, when it is in one’s power to mould it as one pleases. As for Homer, to be plain, the better poet, the more danger; and I agree in this with Aristotle, whose words, to which the Poet refers, are, 4^u<5?j Xsys»v 6s7, that the blind old gentleman certainly lies with the best grace in the world. But a lie, handsomely told, debauches the taste and morals of a people, and fires them into imitation. Besides, his tales of the gods are intolerable, and derogate to the highest degree from the dignity of the Divine nature.
Eupolis. — Not to enter at present into the merits of that case, do you really think, Sir, that these faults are inseparable from poetry; and that the praises of the One Supreme may not be sung without any intermixture of them; allowing us only the common benefit of metaphor, and other figures, which you do not blame even in the orators?
Plato. — An ill habit is hard to break: and I must own I hardly ever saw any thing of that nature; and should be glad to see you or any other attempt, and succeed in it: on which condition I would willingly exempt you from the fate of your brother Poets.
* Defeat under Nicias. — This was at Syracuse, where, after doing prodigies of valour, the Athenian army and navy were totally destroyed; most were slain in battle, and the generals and prisoners put to cruel deaths. Diodorus Siculus says, some were saved who understood literature and arts; and, perhaps, many of them were those who, from repeating some of the verses of Euripides, were permitted to live.
t Dionysius sold me for a slave. — Plato visited Sicily in the fortieth year of his age, and having got an interview with Dionysius the Tyrant, discoursed with him on the security and happiness of virtue, and the miseries attending injustice and oppression. The Tyrant perceiving that the philosophers discourse was levelled against the vices and cruelties of his reign, dismissed him from his presence with great displeasure; and formed a design against his life. By the assistance of Dion, the king’s brother-in-law, one of Plato’s pupils, he was got on board of the vessel that brought over Pollis, a delegate from Sparta, who was then returning into Greece. Dionysius being informed of this, got a promise from Pollis, that he would either take away the philosopher’s life, or on the passage sell him for a slave. Pollis accordingly sold him in the island of Egina for twenty mina, equal to 64/. lis. d. i but he was soon redeemed by Jlnicerres, an Athenian philosopher, who paid for his ran.^ som thirty mina, or 84/. 10s. sterling.
Eupolis. — I am far from pretending to be a standard: how I shall succeed in it I do not know, but am sure I shall attempt it, and wait upon you with it.
Plato. — You know the Academy will be always pleased to see you, and doubly so on this occasion.
EUPOLIS his HYMN to the CREATOR,
Author of Being! Source of Light!
With unfading beauties bright.
Fulness, goodness, rolling round
Thy own fair orb, without a bound.
Whether Thee Thy suppliants call 5
Troth, or Good, or One, or All,
EI, or JAO, Thee we hail,
Essence that can never fail;
Line 1. Source of light. — This was the body which the Platonists gave to xhe Supreme Being.
Line 6. Or one. — Plutarch says, that the ancients termed God Thou who an one; and that it was from this that the term Apollo came: for AtoXXuv Jlpollo, signifies He who is not many, from «, privative, and TroXt/?, many; because God is only One, without mixture, and without composition.
Line 6. Or all. — Alluding to the word IT*v, Pan. — See on line 75.
Line 7. EJ.-^-EI, Thou art, the famous word that was engraved on the frontispiece of the temple of Apollo at Delphi, on which Plutarch has written an express treatise. There is a consistency here, which is not often met with in Heathenism; for there was the strictest propriety that EI, Thou art, should be engraved on the Temple dedicated to the AxoXXwv, A-pollon, He whose Being is simple, indivisible. Plutarch who travelled into Egypt, to get information on important subjects, doubtless learned the true meaning of this word there. Moses had long before proclaimed the Supreme Being among that people, by the very expressive word rm eheyeh, I am, or 1 shall be, Exod, iii. 14, from which the Greek appellative probably came.
IAO. — The same as niJT Yeve, or Jehovah. Among the Greeks, Ii, Iv, Ief Ze, was frequent in their invocations to the Gods; which epithet comes manifestly from the Hebrew TV Jah, or Yeh, a name often accompanying mn% Jeve, Yeveh, or Yehovah, in the Sacred Writings. Hence the Jove and Jvpt ter of the Romans, Jupiter, (q. d. Juvans Pater, “The helping Father.”) This Jao, or Yeve, HI IT Jehovah, is here termed, line 9. Barbaric name, because the Hebrews were styled Barbarians by the Greeks. The word I Aft, lac, h frequently found on those Egyptian amulets called abraxas, abraeasas, lib Grecian or Barbaric name,
Thy sted/ast being still the same. 10
Thee, when morning greets the skies
With rosy cheeks and humid eyes;
Thee, when sweet-declining day
Sinks in purple waves away;
Tfiee will I sing, 0 Parent Jove! 13
And teach the world to praise and love!
Yonder azure vault on high,
Yonder blue, low, liquid sky;
Earth on its firm basis placed,
And with circling waves embraced, 20
All-creating power confess,
.AH their mighty Maker bless.
Thou shak’st all nature with Thy nod;
Sea, earth, and air, confess thee God.
Yet does Thy powerful hand sustain 26
Both earth and heaven; both firm and main.
Scarce can our daring thought arise
To Thy pavilion in the skies:
Nor can Plato’s self declare,
The bliss, the joy, the rapture there. 30
* This we know; or if we dream,
* ‘Tis at least a pleasing theme;
Barren above Thou dost not reign,
But circled with a glorious train;
Line 12. With rosy cheeks. — This and the following lines are highly poetic
Line 18. Yonder blue, low, liquid sky. — There is a most happy combination of liquids here, which express the subject of it in a most delicate manner.
Line 19. Earth on its firm basis placed. — It was a general opinion among the ancients that the earth was a vast extended plane, encircled by the ocean.
Line 33. Barren above thou dost not reign, Lc. — Plato held that there were three hypostases in the Divine nature. The Jirst he termed To Ov, The Being or Self-existent, and To Eu, The One — The Alone. The second he termed vot/j, mind, or intellect. And the third -^vx soul, or ^vx* rov xorpov, the soul of the xcorld. The first he often terms To AyaQov, the Good, or Essential goodness; to which the Apostle seems to refer 1 Pet. iii. 13. And who shall harm you, tocv rov AyocQov /xi^Tat ymtrQe, if ye become imitators of the Good Being. The second he terms Aoyo<, The Word or Reason, to which St. John certainly refers, John i. 1. In the beginning was the Word, Aoyo?, &c. but the Logos of the Evangelist is evidently different from that of the Philosopher: for Plato does not say as John does, x.a» ©so? »jv o Aoyo?. and God was the Logos. From this vovg or intellect Plato says the To 0», Supreme Being, struck out innumerable spirits of inferior order: which is nearly tantamount to God’s creating all things by Christ Jesus
The sons of God, the sons of light, 35
Ever joying in thy sight:
(For Thee their silver harps are strung,)
Ever beauteous, ever young:
Angelic forms their voices raise,
And thro’ heaven’s arch resound Thy praise! 40
The feather’d souls that swim the air,
And bathe in liquid ether there;
The lark precentor of their choir,
Leading them higher still and higher,
Listen and learn the angelic notes, 45
Repeating in their warbling throats:
And e’er to soft repose they go,
Teach them to their lords below.
On the green turf their mossy nest,
The ev’ning anthem swells their breast: 50
Thus like Thy golden chain on high,
Thy praise unites the earth and sky.
Sole from sole Thou mak’st the sun
On his burning axles run:
The stars like dust around him fly, 55
And strew the area of the sky:
He drives so swift his race above,
Mortals can’t perceive him move:
So smooth his course, oblique or strait,
Olympus shakes not with his weight. 60
As the queen of solemn night,
Fills at his vase her orb of light,
Line 51. Thus like Thy golden chain. — The ancients fabled that Jupiter had a chain of gold, which he could at any time let down from heaven, and by it draw the earth and all its inhabitants to himself. See a fine passage to this effect in Homer, Iliad viii. 18. 27. By this chain the poets pointed out the union between heaven and earth; or, in other words, the government of the universe, by the extensive chain of causes and effects. It was termed golden, to point out not only the beneficence of the Divine Providence, but also that infinite philanthropy of God by which He influences, and by which He attracts all mankind to Himself. See my note on John xii. 32.
Line 53. Source of light, instead of Sole from sole. (Mr. J. Wesley’s alteration.) — The sun being sole or alone in the system, as God is in the universe: but still this beautiful representation of the Deity derives his being and continuance from God; though he be sole below, he is from Him who is sole above.
Line 55. The stars like dust around him fly. — Some of the ancients and some of the moderns have held the opinion that stars, planets, and comets have been fragments broken off from the solar orb.
Line 59. So smooth his course, oblique or strait. — This is an allusion to the sun’s apparent course in the Zodiac, which appears to be oblique between the tropics. But all astronomers know that this is occasioned by the earth’s motion in its orbit
Imparted lustre: Thus we see,
The solar virtue shines by Thee!
* Phoebus borrows from thy beams B§
* His radiant locks and golden streams,
* Whence Thy warmth and light disperse;
* To cheer the grateful universe.
Eiresione.’ we’ll no more
For its fancied aid implore; TO
Since bright oil and wool and wine
And life-sustaining bread are Thine;
* Wine that sprightly mirth supplies,
* Noble wine for sacrifice!
Thy herbage, O great Pan, sustains 75
The flocks that graze our Attic plains.
The olive with fresh verdure crown’d
Rises pregnant from the ground,
* Our native plant, our wealth, our pride,
* To more than half the world denied. 80
At Jove’s command it shoots and springs,
And a thousand blessings brings.
Minerva only is Thy mind,
Wisdom and bounty to mankind.
Line 69. Eiresione! well no more. — The Greek word Eift<rHt»* Eiresione, means a kind of telesm used by the Athenians by the command of the Oracle of Apollo, to drive away famine. It was -an o/u e branch rolled round with wool, on which were hung ripe fruits, a pot of honey, a bottle of oil, kc. in a word, the different species of fruits and necessaries of life peculiar to the four seasons of the year: and one of these was hung up at the door of each house. Suidas gives the derivation of the name thus: — Eipzaiiuvr, st ltytrai roc epa,” it was called Eiresione, because of the wool,’’ which the Greeks call <p*oy. See also Plutarch, and a quotation from Potter’s Grecian Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 395.
Line 75. Thy herbage, 0 great Pan. — The Mendes of the Egyptians was the Pcr?iofthe Greeks and Romans; and signified him whose nature is infinite, and whose government is universal, from wav, ail, because he is the Author and Governor of all things. In process of time the pure ideas which the Greeks had entertained of the Divine nature became obliterated, and the ‘O fjLeyccg IIa», The great Pan, degenerated among the Romans, kc. into a monster, half man, half goat!
Line 77. The olive icith fresh verdure crowned. — Neptune and Minerva, called also Athena, are said to have contended who should give a name to the new city which Cecrops had built. It was at last agreed that whoever should produce the most beneficial gift should give the city its name. JVeptune struck the earth with his trident, and a horse sprung up. Minerva caused an olive to spring from the ground: she conquered, and called the city after her own name, Athence or Athens.
Line 83. Minerva only is thy mind. — Minerva is fabled to have sprung out of the brain of Jupiter full grown and completely armed. A fine mythoioeic representation of the nature of wisdom.
The fragrant thyme, the blooming rose, 85
Herb, and flow’r, and shrub that grows
0n Thessalian Tempe’s plain,
Or where the rich Sabeans reign,
That treat the taste, or smell, or sight,
For food, for medicine, or delight; 90
Planted by Thy guardian care,
Spring, and smile, and flourish there.
* Alcinoan gardens in their pride,
* With blushing fruit from Thee supplied.
Oh ye Nurses of soft dreams! 95
Reedy brooks and winding streams
* By our tuneful race admir’d,
* Whence we think ourselves inspired:
Or murm’ring o’er the pebbles sheen,
Or sliding thro’ the meadows green; 100
Or where thro’ matted sedge ye creep.
Travelling to your parent deep,
Sound his praise by whom ye rose,
That sea which neither ebbs nor flows,
Oh ye immortal woods and groves, 105
§ Which the enraptur’d student loves:
Beneath whose venerable shade,
§ For learned thought, and converse made:
* § Or in the fam’d Lycean walks,
* § Or where my heavenly Master talks; 110
§ Where Hecadem, old hero lies,
§ Whose shrine is shaded from the skies,
Line 93. Alcinoan gardens. — Alcinous was the son of JYausithous, and king of the Pheacians, in the island of Corcyra. He was so famous a horticulturist, that his gardens and fruit became proverbial. He is celebrated by Homer, Virgil, Ovid, and others.
Line 97. By our tunef ul race admired. — That is, the poets.
Line 1Q2. Travelling to your parent deep. — The rivers are called by the poets the thousand daughters ot Oceanus.
Line 109. Or in the famed Lycean walks. — The Lyceum was a celebrated school at Athens, where Aristotle taught and explained his philosophy. It was composed of porticoes and trees planted in the quincunx form, among which the philosophers disputed walking; hence called UtpiTrocrvTiKoi, Peripatetics; from. T£p*> about, and 7raTsa>, J walk. The followers of Aristotle were called the Peripatetics from this circumstance; and the followers of Plato were called Academics, from the place called the Academy, where Plato gave his lectures See the Note on ver. 111.
Line 111. Where Hecadem, old hero lies. — Hecademus, or Academus, was a famous hero among the Athenians in the time of Theseus. He had a plot of ground about a thousand paces from the city, which he bequeathed to the public at his death. It was in this place that Plato taught his philosophy; anes.
And thro’ the gloom of silent night,
Project from far your trembling light.
You whose roots descend as low, I1&
As high in air your branches grow,
Your leafy arms to heaven extend,
Bend your heads! in homage bend!
Cedars and pines that wave above,
And the oak beloved of Jove. 120
Omen, monster, prodigy!
Or nothing are, or Jove from thee!
Whether various Nature’s play,
Or she renvers’d thy will obey;
And to rebel man declare, 126
Famine, plague, or wasteful war,
Atheists laugh, and dare despise,
The threatening vengeance of the skies:
Whilst the Pious on his guard,
Undismay’d is still prepared: 130
Life or death his mind’s at rest,
Since what you send most needs be best.
* What cannot Thy almighty wit
* Effect, or influence, or permit;
* Which leaves free causes to their will, 135
* Yet guides and over-rules them still!
” The various minds of men can twine,
* And work them to Thy own design:
* For who can sway what boasts ’tis free,
* Or rule a Commonwealth, but Thee’? 140
* Our stubborn will Thy word obeys,
* Our folly shews Thy wisdom’s praise:
* As skilful steersmen make the wind,
* Tho’ rough subservient to mankind.
* A tempest drives them safe to land; 245
* With joy they hail and kiss the sand.
as the place got the name of Academy, from its ancient owner; so Plato’s scholars had the name of Academics from the place. This is the origin of our word academy. The grounds of the Academy formed the burying place of the principal heroes and philosophers of Athens. Line 1 15. You whose roots, c — Virgil speaks this of the oak —
... Qu& quantum vertice ad auras
JEtherias, tantum radice in Tartara tendit.
Georg. ii. ver. 29i.
High as his topmost boughs to heaven ascend,
So low his roots to Hell’s dominions tend. JDryden,
* So when our angry tribes engage,
* And dash themselves to foam and rage,
* The demagogues, the winds that blow,
* Heave and toss them to and fro; 150
* Silence! is by Thee proclaim’d,
* The tempest falls, the winds are tam’d:
* At Thy word the tumults cease,
* And all is calm, and all is peace!
* Monsters that obscurely sleep 355
* In the bottom of the deep,
* Or when for air or food they rise
* Spout the JEgean to the skies;
* Know Thy voice and own Thy hand,
* Obsequious to their lord’s command; 160
* As the waves forget to roar,
* And gently kiss the murmuring shore.
No evil can from Thee proceed,
‘Tis only suffered, not decreed:
As darkness is not from the sun, 165
Nor mount the shades till he is gone,
Line 147. So when our angry tribes engage. — The ideas in this and the following seven lines are the same with those in the following passage of Virgil, j?Eneid i. vcr. 148.
J3c veluti magno in populo cum scepe coorta est
Seditio, saevitque anirais ignobile vulgus;
Jamque faces et saxa volant, furor arma minislrat
Turn pietate gravemac meritis si forte virum quern
Conspexere, silent: arreclisque auribus adstant i
Ille regit diciis animos, et peciora niuleet.
As when sedition fires th’ ignoble crowd,
And the wild rabble storms and thirsts for blood
Of stones and brands a mingled tempest flies,
With all the sudden arms which rage supplies.
If some grave Sire appears amidst the strife,
In morals strict, and innocence of life,
All stand attentive; while the sage controuls
Their wrath, and calms the tumult of their sQirls.
- ’ 1. - - ‘Put.
Line 158. Spout the JEgean to the skies. — The iEgean sea is properly a part of the Mediterranean near to Greece, parting Europe from Asia. It is commonly called the Archipelago.
Line 165. As darkness is not from the sun. — Here is a simple argument taken from an incontestible matter of fact, that most forcibly explodes the horrible doctrine, that God has willed and decreed evil. God is the fountain of good, and is essentially good: therefore evil cannot come from Him. This is abscof mr. wesley’s ancestors
Then night obscene does straight arise
From Erebus, and fills the skies;
Fantastic forms the air invade,
Daughters of nothing and of shade.
* When wars and pains afflict mankind,
* ‘Tis for a common good designed,
* As tempests sweep and clean the air,
And all is healthy, all is fair.
* Good, and true, and fair, and right,
* Are Thy choice and Thy delight.
* Government Thou didst ordain,
* Equal justice to maintain:
* Thus Thou reign’st enthron’d in state,
* Thy will is just, Thy will is fate.
* The good can never be unbtest,
* While impious minds can never rest;
* A plague within themselves they find,
* Each other plague, and all mankind.
* Can we forget Thy guardian care,
* Slow to punish, prone to spare.
* Or heroes by Thy bounty rais’d
* To eternal ages prais’d?
* Codrus, who Athens lov’d so well,
* He for her devoted fell;
* Theseus who made us madly free,
* And dearly bought our liberty;
lutely impossible, as nothing can give what it does not possess. But evil does exist: then it is suffered, not decreed. There is such a thing as darkness: but this cannot be from the sun: for he is a body of light, and there is no darkness in him. Darkness is not from the sun; — sin and evil are not from God.
Line 168. From Erebus, and fills the skies — Erebus in fable is one of the infernal gods; supposed to be father of Aox, or Night, whom he begot of Chaos or Not/wig. The word is evidently corrupted from the Hebrew 21$ Ereb, (Gen. i. 8.) which there signifies the evening, or twilight, from the word arab, to mingle, because twilight is a mixture of light and darkness.
Line 180. Thy will is fate — The word fate has been grossly misapplied and abased: it comes from the supine fatum, spoken; of the verb fari, to speakp and signifies in reference to God, what He has spoken; and when rightly understood, in reference to His government of the world and treatment of man, what he hasproniised or threatened to do in his revealed word.
Line 189. Codrus,, who Athens loved so well. — Codrus was the last king of Athens. The Pe.l6pon/nesja7is being at war with the Athenians, were told by ♦.lie Oracle that they should gain the victory, provided they did not slay the Athenian king. Codrus hearing this, disguised himself, and went into the Peloponnesian camp; where, ottering some insult to the soldiers, he was slain, and in the battle the Athenians got the victory. Paterculus.
Line 191. Theseus zvho made us madly free. — Theseus was a famous hero of antiquity, the son of JEgeus, king of Athens. He is said to have united the twelve cHies of Atlica, and to have founded a republic there, about 1236 years * Whom our grateful tribes repaid,
* With murdering him who brought them aid;
* To tyrants made an easy prey, 195
* Who would not godlike kings obey.
* Tyrants and kings from God proceed,
* Those permitted, — these decreed.
Thou break’st the haughty Persian’s pride,
Which did both sea and land divide. 200
Their shipwrecks strew’d th’ Euboean wave,
At Marathon they found a grave.
O ye bless’d Greeks who there expired!
With noble emulation fir’d!
* Your Trophies will not let me rest, 205
* Which swell’d, Themistocles, thy breast.
What shrines, what altars, shall we raise,
To secure your endless praise?
Or need we monuments supply,
To rescue what can never die? 210
before the Christian aera. Being driven from his throne of Athens by the usurper Mnestheus, he fled to Lycomedes, king of Scyros (an island in the iEgean sea,) for protection: but the perfidious king caused him to be thrown from a precipice, and dashed to pieces. Plutarch.
Line 200. Which did both sea and land divide — Xerxes may be said to have divided the sea when he threw a bridge of boats over the Hellespont, now the Dardanelles. He may be said to have divided the land, when, according to some historians, he cut a passage for his fleet through mount Athos.
Line 202. At Marathon they found a grave. — The famous battle of Marathon (a place about ten miles from Athens,) between the Persians and Athenians, was fought in the 490th year before Christ. The Athenians had only 10,000 men, and the Persians 110,000: yet the Greeks defeated them, and slew 6,400 men, while themselves lost only 190. The Persians fled to their ships: but the conquerors took, burnt, or destroyed the major part of them, the rest having effected their escape by dint of rowing. Miltiades that day commanded the Athenian troops. As soon as the memorable battle was ended, Philippidas the courier formed the project of carrying the news to the magistrates of Athens: without quitting his armour, he ran, arrived, announced the glad tidings, and spent with fatigue, he fell dead at their feet! See Herodotus, in Erato — and Lucian, ITtp* tov Tlraucpmoq.
Line 205. Your trophies will not let me rest. — After the battle of Marathon, mentioned above, the Athenians raised monuments on the field, to those noble Athenians who had so bravely defended their country; and in the spaces between them, trophies were erected, composed of the Persian arms. Themistocles, when very young, was observed to be very pensive, and often to deny himself both, sleep and necessary food. Being asked the reason, he gave for answer m kocOivSuv uvtov ovk tun to rov MiXnxSov TpoTaw. “That the trophies of Miltiades would not suffer him to sleep;” thereby intimating, that he had an insatiable desire to imitate the military exploits of that famous Athe= siian genera?, See Plutarch, op mr. wesley’s ancestors.
Godlike men! how firm they stood!
* Moating their country with their blood
And yet a greater hero far,
Unless great Socrates could err,
* § (Though whether human or divine, 215
* § Not e’en his Genius could define)
§ Shall rise to bless some future day,
§ And teach to live, and teach to pray.
§ Come, unknown Instructor, come,
§ Our leaping hearts shall make Thee room; 220
§ Thou with Jove our vows shalt share;
§ Of Jove and Thee we are the care.
O Father, King! whose heavenly face.
Shines serene on all Thy race;
We Thy magnificence adore, 225
And Thy well-known aid implore:
Nor vainly for Thy help we call;
Nor can we want, for thou art All!
Lines 211, 212. Godlike men! how jirm they stood! — How these two verses especially, came to be left out of the printed copies of this Poem, I cannot conceive; but any thing more grand or noble on such a subject, never saw the sun. “Moat”1 signifies a deep ditch, round a castle, &.C., and filled with water, in order to render the approach of an enemy more difficult.
Line 216. Not e’en his genius. — This alludes to the damon of Socrates, or attendant spirit, which he said attended him always, and advertised him every morning, of the evils to which he should be exposed in the course of the day. The late Projector Porson shewed me a very ancient MS. copy of Plato’s works, in which there were marginal scholia: and one on this very subject stated that “what Socrates called his daemon was a tingling in the ears.”
Line 218. And teach to live, and teach to pray. — Here is a reference to the conclusion of the dialogue between Socrates and Alcibiades concerning prayer, vis.
Socr. — You see therefore that it is not safe for you to go and pray to God, lest your addresses should happen to be impious, and God should wholly reject your sacrifice. It is-necessary therefore that you should delay till you have learned what disposition youmght to be in both towards God and man. Alcib. — But how long will it ffr>«*>crates! and who is this instructor? Socr. — It is he who careth for you. But as Minerva removed the mists from the eyes of Diomed, that he might distinguish gods from men; so must he first remove from your soul the mist that surrounds it; and then furnish those helps by which you shall be able to distinguish good from evil.
Alcib. — Let him remove thut mist, or whatever else it be; for I shall be always ready to follow his command, so that I may become a better man.
Socr. — It is wonderful to consider what a providential regard he has towards thee. (AXA« fxm KOiKHttx; Savpocrriv bvnv -srspi <te tzrpoS-vfJUOiv t%u. See Plato. Oper. jSlcibiad. sec. Vol. V. p. 100. Edit. Bipont. Line 222. Of Jove and thee we are the care. — Referring to the words of Sourates in the above extract: Qwroq ?r*v ptXKu wfp* <rou. itishewho caretk for thee.
* May Thy care preserve our state,
* Ever virtuous, ever great! 230
* Thou our Splendour and Defence,
* Wars and factions banish thence!
* Thousands of Olympiads pass’d,
* May its fame and glory last!
TsvoiTOj yevoiro.
After taking so much pains with this Poem, and producing it entire, which was never done before, some of my Readers will naturally expect that I should either insert or refer to the Greek original, Could I have met in Greek with a Hymn of Eupolis to the Creator and the fragment of an unpublished Dialogue of Plato, I should have inserted both with the greatest cheerfulness, and could have assured myself of the thanks of all the critics in Europe for my pains, That such a Greek original exists, and that the above is a faithful translation from it, is the opinion of most who have seen the Poem; and some of Mr. Wesley’s biogaphers have adduced it, “as being one of the finest pictures extant of Gentile piety; and farther tell us,” this Hymn may throw light on that passage of St. Paul respecting the Heathen, Rom. i. 21, &c. 6 When they knew God, they glorified him not as God. Wherefore God, gave them up, &c.’
Line 229. May thy care preserve our state. — I believe the last six lines were applied by the poet to the British Empire; to which in the spirit of true patriot, Ism, his heart and hand put ysvotTo, ysvoiro! so be it! so be it! and to which the Annotator affectiouately subscribes AMEN and AMEN.
VARIOUS READINGS.
Line 70. For its fancied aid implore. — Imaginary power adore.
Mr. J. Wesley.
Line 71. Since bright oil and wool and wine. — Since oil and wool and cheerful wine. J. Wesley.
Line 81. ^”Jove’s command. — -At thy command: Mr. J. Wesley.
Line 106. Which the enamoured student loves. — Which the pensive lover loves. S. W’s. alteration in Mrs. Wright’s MS.
Line 108. For learned thought and converse made. — Sacred fanes are frequent made. — Mrs. W.’s copy. “For thought and friendly converse made.” J. W “For learned thought and converse made.” Alteration by Mr. J, W.
Line 123. Whether various nature’s play. — Whether varied nature play. J. W
Line 127. Atheists laugh, and dare despise. — Laugh, ye profane who dare, fyc. J.W.
Line 132. You send. — Thou send’st. J. W.
Line 167. Then night obscene does straigfit arise. — -Then does night obscene arise. J. W., Line 204* With noble emulation fired. — For Greece with pious ardor firU
i w..
Their polytheism was a punishment consequent upon their apostasy from God.” I believe the Gentiles never apostatized from the true God, the knowledge of whom they certainly never had, till they received it by Divine Revelation.
Knowing that the writers from whom I have quoted the above, were well educated and learned men, and feeling an intense desire to find out this “finest picture extant of Gentile piety,” I have sought occasionally for above thirty years to find this original, but in vain. I have examined every Greek writer within my reach, particularly all the major and minor poets: but no Hymn of Eupolis, or of any other, from which the above might be a translation, has ever occurred to me. I have inquired of learned men whether they had met with such a Poem. None had seen it! After many fruitless searches and inquiries, I went to Professor Poison, perhaps the most deeply learned and extensively read Greek scholar in Europe; and iaid the subject and the question before him. He answered, “Eupofis, from the character we have of him, is the last man among the Greek poets from whom we could expect to see any thing pious or sublime concerning the Divine nature: but you may rest assured that no such composition is extant in Greek.” Of this I was sufficiently convinced before: but I thought it well to have the testimony of a scholar so eminent, that the question might be set at rest.
The Reader therefore may rest assured that Eupolis his Hymn to the Creator is the production of the head and heart of Samuel Wesley, Rector of Epworth; that it never had any other origin, and never existed in any other language. It may be considered as a fine, and in general very successful, attempt to imitate a Greek poet, who was master of the full power and harmony of his language, and had imbibed from numberless lectures the purest and most sublime ideas in the philosophy of Plato. The character of the Platonist is wonderfully preserved throughout the whole; the conceptions are all worthy of the subject; the Grecian history and mythology are woven through it with exquisite art; and it is so like a finished work from the highest cultivated Greek muse, that I receive the evidence of my reason and research with regret, when it assures me that this Inimitable Hymn was the production of the Isle-poet of Axholm. Should any of my Readers be dissatisfied with the result of ray inquiries, and still think that Eupolis’ Hymn to the Creator exists in Greek, and will go in quest of this Sangreal, he shall have my heartiest wishes for the good speed of his searches, and when successful my heartiest thanks.
But if the Hymn of Eupolis be a forgery, what becomes of the veracity? not to say honesty of Mr. Samuel Wesley? I answer, it is no forgery; it is no were said by him that it is a translation of a Greek original; nor does it appear that he had any intention to deceive. Two words in the title are proof sufficient. “The (supposed) occasion,” and, “Part of (a new) Dialogue” He covered his design a little, to make his Readers search and examine. Some of them have not examined; and therefore said of the Poem, that it is a fine specimen of Gentile piety which he never even intended. From the many oblique references to the history of his own times, and from the apparent accommodation of ancient facts to that history, I am led to think the Author had a double design: — 1. To try how far pure Platonic ideas could be applied in the praises, and in describing the perfections of that God who has revealed Himself to mankind; and, secondly, To give a useful lesson to his own times, relative to that restless spirit of republicanism which had leavened a major part of the kingdom. On this second consideration, it would be easy to form a useful critique on the whole Poem; the grand moral of which is,” God is the Fountain and Author of all good: He governs the world by a wise and gracious providence. His wisdom is so perfect, that he cannot err; His goodness is so great, that He can do nothing evil; as He is infinitely merciful, He must always be kind. Subjection to His providence under all dispensations is true wisdom; and to rebel against His government is folly and madness. Kingly government is from Himself: but He permits tyrants to become the scourge of an ungrateful and disobedient people;
u To tyrants made an easy prey,
Who would not godlike kings obey;
Tyrants and kings from Jove proceed;
Those permitted, these decreed.”
1 have spent a long time on this Poem, because I believe it to be, without exception, the finest in the English language. It possesses what Racine calls the genie crateur, the genuine spirit of poetry. Pope’s Messiah is fine, because Pope had Virgil’s Pollio before him, and the Bible. Mr. Wesley takes nothing as a model; he goes on the ground that the praises of the One Supreme had not been sung; he attempts what had not been done by any Poet before the Platonic age, and he has no other helps than those furnished by his poetic powers and classical knowledge. It is not saying too much to assert, the man who was the author of what is called E-upolis’ Hymn to the Creator, had he taken time, care, and pains, and had not been continually harrassed with the Res angusta domi, would have adorned the highest walks of poetry. But to him poverty was the of mr. wesley’s ancestors.
scourge of knowledge; and he fully experienced the truth of that maxim of the Roman satirist, from which I have quoted the above three words, —
Haud facile emergunt, quorum virtutibus obstat
Res angusta domi. Juv. Sat. iii. v. 164.
Rarely they rise by Learning’s aid, who lie
Plung’d in the depth of helpless poverty.,
But he spent his time in something better than making verses: he was a laborious and useful parish priest; and educated a numerous family of males and females, who were a credit to him and to their country. But more of this in its place.
I have already mentioned a Letter written by his brother Matthew to him, from which I have given an extract with some short observations, and promised Mr. S. Wesley’s reply. The Letter is without a date: but this seems a proper place to introduce it. It contains a connected series of domestic facts, from his own pen, which cast some light upon that part of his history which is past, as well as on that which is yet to be produced.
It is written in a serio-joeose style; and is supposed to be communicated by a third person, who having seen the letter of Mr. Matthew Wesley, handed the same to his brother Samuel, “that he might know what the left-handed part of the world said of him.” — The Letter is headed John o’ Styles Apology against the imputation of his ill Husbandry. The Reader will recollect that the main charge, brought by Surgeon Wesley against his brother, was this, that “although he had a plentiful estate, and great and generous benefactions, yet he had made no provision for his numerous progeny “that this was a black account, &c.; and he calls him to repentance, and to study the doctrine of restitution, that from a serious consideration of these things, he might prepare for the kingdom of heaven, &c.” The pretended narrator goes on: —
“When I had read this to my friend John o’ Styles, I was a little surprised that he did not fall into flouncing and bouncing, as I have too often seen him do on far less provocation; which I ascribed to a fit of sickness which he had lately had, and which I hope may have brought him to something of a better mind. He stood calm and composed for a minute or two; and then desired he might peruse the Letter, adding that if the matter of fact therein were true, and not aggravated or misrepresented, he was obliged in conscience to acknowledge it, and ask pardon at least of his family, if he could make them no other satisfaction. If it were not true, he owed that justice to himself and his family, to clear himself if possible, of so vile an imputation. After he had read it over, he said he did not think it necessary to enter into a detail of the history of his whole life, from sixteen to upwards of seventy, in order to the vindication of his conduct in all the particulars of it: but the method he chose, which he hoped would be satisfactory to all unprejudiced persons, would be to make general observations on those general accusations which have been brought forward against him; and then to add some balance of his incomes and expenses ever since he entered on the stage of life.
“He observes, that almost all his indictment consists of generals, wherein fraud almost always lurks, and it is next to impossible to free itself entirely from it.
% The sum of the libel may be reduced to the following assertions: 1. That John o? Styles is worse than an infidel, and therefore can never go to heaven. 2. He aims at proving this, because he provides not for his own house: as notorious instances of which he adds, in the 3d place, That he had a numerous offspring; and has had a long time a plentiful estate, and great and generous benefactors, but yet has made no provision for those of his own house; which he thinks, in the last place, a black account, let the cause be folly or vanity.
“Answer. — If God has blessed him with a numerous offspring, he has no reason to be ashamed of them, nor they of him, unless perhaps one of them; and if he had but that single one, it might have proved no honour or support to his name and family. Neither does his conscience accuse him that he has made no provision for those of his own house; which general accusation includes them all. But has he none, nay, not above one, two, or three, to whom he has, (and some of them at very considerable expenses,) given the best education which England could afford; by God’s blessing on which they live honourably and comfortably in the world; some of whom have already been a considerable help to the others, as well as to himself; and he has no reason to doubt the same of the rest, as soon as God shall enable them to do it; and there are many gentlemen’s families in England, who by the same method provide for their younger children. And he hardly thinks that there are many of greater estates, but would be glad to change the best of theirs, or even all their stock, for almost the worst of his. Neither is he ashamed of claiming some merit in his having been so happy in breeding them up in his own principles and practices: not only the priests of his family, but all the rest, to a steady opposition and confederacy against all such as arc avowed and declared enemies to God and his clergy; and who deny or d!sb<?Mve any articles of natural or revealed religion; as well as to such as are open or secrr friends to the Great Rebellion; or any such principles as do but squint towards the same practices; so that he hopes they are all staunch high-Church, and for inviolable passive obedience; from which if any of them should be so wicked as to degenerate, he can’t tell whether he could prevail with himself to give them his blessing; though at the same time he almost equally abhors all servile submission to the greatest and most overgrown tool of’ state, whose avowed design it is to aggrandize his prince at the expense of the liberties and properties of his free-born subjects. Thus much for John o’ Styles’ ecclesiastical and political creed; and, as he hopes, for those of his family. And as his adversary adds, that 1 at his exit they could have nothing in view but distress; and that it is a black account, let the cause be folly or vanity;’ John o’ Styles answered, — he has not the least doubt of God’s provision for his family after his decease, if they continue in the way of righteousness, as well as for himself while he has been living. As for his folly, he owns he can hardly demur to the charge; for he fairly acknowledges he never was, and never will be like the children of this world, who are accounted wise in their generation, in doting upon this world, courting this world, and regarding nothing else: not but that he has all his life laboured truly both with his hands, head, and heart, to provide things honest in the sight of all men; to get his own living, and that of those who have been dependents on him.
“As for his vanity, he challenges an instance to be given of any extravagance in any single branch of his expenses, through the whole course of his life, either in dress, diet, /torses, or recreation or diversion, either in himself or family.
“Now if these, which are the main objections, are wiped off. what becomes of the black account, or of the worse than infidelity which this Severus Frater et Avunculus Pucrorum has in the plenitude of his power (as he takes upon himself to have the full power of the keys) to exclude those, who for want of equal illumination, or. equal estates, think or act differently from himself, out of the kingdom of heaven?
“As for the plentiful estate, and great and generous benefactors, which he likewise mentions: — as to the latter of them, the person accused answered, that he could never acknowledge as he ought the goodness of God and of his generous benefactors on that occasion; but hopes he may add, that he had never tasted so much ol their kindness if they had not believed him to be an honest man. Thus much he said in general, but added as to particular instances, he should only add a blank balance, and leave it to any after his death, if they should think it worth while, to cast it up according to common equity, and then they would be more proper judges whether he deserved those imputations which are now thrown upon him.
“Imprimis. When he first walked to Oxford, he had in cash 21. 5s.
“He lived there till he took his bachelors’ degree, without any preferment or assistance, except one eroion — 5s.
“By God’s blessing on his own industry, he brought to London — 10?. 15s.
“When he came to London, he got deacon’s orders, and a cure, for which he had 28?. for one year.
“In which year for his board, ordination and habit, he was indebted 30?., which he afterwards paid.
“Then he went to sea, where he had for one year 70?., not paid till two years after his return.
“He then got a curacy at 30?. per annum for two years, and by his own industry he made it 60? per annum. — 120?.
“He married and had a son; and he and his wife and child boarded for some years in or near London without running into debt.
“He had then a living* given him in the country, let for 50?. per ‘annum, where he had five children more; in which time, and while he lived in London, he wrote a book,f which he dedicated to Queen Mary, who for that reason gave him a living in the country ,| valued at 200?. per annum, where he remained for nearly forty years, and wherein his numerous offspring amounted with the former to eighteen or nineteen children.
“Half of his parsonage-house was first burnt, which he rebuilt: sometime after, the whole was burnt to the ground, which he rebuilt from the foundations; and it cost him above 400?. besides the furniture, none of which was saved; and he was forced to renew it.
“About ten years since|| he got a little living adjoining to his former; the profits of which very little more than defrayed the expenses of serving it, and sometimes hardly so much; his whole tithe having been in a manner swept away by inundations, for which the parishioners had a brief, though he thought it not decent for himself to be joined with them in it.
“For the greater part of these last ten years he has been closely employed in composing a large book,^[ whereby he hoped he might
* South Ormsby. The Life of Christ. I Epworth.
jj It is said by Dr. Whitehead that he got the living of Wroote, in 1723 If so, this Letter must have been written in 1733.
§ Wroote.. H Dissertation«s in Hbrum Jobi,
of mr. wesley’s ancestors.
have done some benefit to the world, and in some measure amended his own fortunes. By sticking so close to this, he has broke a pretty strong constitution, and fallen into the palsy and gout. Besides this, he has had sickness in his family for most of the years since he was married.
“His greater living seldom cleared above Jive score pounds per annum, out of which he allowed 20/ per annum to a person* who had married one of his daughters.t Could we on the whole fix the balance, it would easily appear whether he had been an ill husband or careless and idle, and taken no care of his family. Let us range on the one side his income, and on the other his expenses, while he has been at the top of his fortunes, taking them at the full extent.
“Let all tins be balanced, and then a guess may be easily made of his sorry management.
“He can struggle with the world, but not with Providence: nor can he resist sicknesses, fires and inundations”
In his family exigences Mr. Wesley was frequently obliged to borrow money: but such was his character for probity, honour, and punctuality, that he could command it wheresoever it was to be had. There was a man of considerable property in Epworth, who was in the habit of lending out money at 35 and 407. per cent. Mr. Wesley
* Mr. Whitelamb. + Mary Wesley.
+ The ten then aiive were Samuel, Emily, Mary, Jinn, Susanna, John, Mehetabel, Matthew, Charles and Kezziah.
5 Samuel, John, and Charles, these were the three.
£
“His income about 200Z. per annum for forty years - was obliged sometimes to borrow from this usurer; and although this man was devoured by the auri sacra fames, yet such was his esteem for an upright character, that in no case did he ever take from Mr. W. more than 5 per cent, for the use of his money.
The preceding Letter seems to have been written in great haste; and from his saying he had been in sicknesses for nearly forty years; and in another place, that these began from his marriage, which probably took place in 1690, the Letter must have been written in 1730, (but see note p. 131) at which time he says he had been employed ten years on the Book of Job; for this is the large work of which he speaks, and which was published a short time after his death, viz. in 1736.
I need not tell the Reader that the Letter is a most complete and happy confutation of his brother’s charges: a«d of those who have felt inclined to repeat them: and when we consider his expenses and the numerous family he brought up, we may be well surprised how, with so small an annual income, he was able to meet and cover such great demands. He had spared neither pains nor cost on the education of his children. I have seen Letters from most of them, full of mind and strong sense; and the writing especially that of the females, remarkably correct and elegant. As to the three som Samuel, John, and Charles, we shall see the men and their education, from their Works. Some of the daughters were by no means inferior to the sons.
From the preceding Letter we see that his Church and State Principles were of the highest order; and that he was nevertheless an enemy to arbitrary power. Of the former his whole life gave proof; of the latter we have a remarkable instance in his refusal to read the Declaration of King James II. in favour of Popery, though strongly solicited by some of the King’s friends to do it; and he not only refused to read the Declaration but though surrounded with courtiers, soldiers and informers, preached a bold Discourse pointedly against it, from Dan. iii. 17, 18. If it be so, our God whom we serve is able to deliver 2ts from the burning fiery furnace; and he will deliver us out of thy hand, 0 King. But if not, be it known unto thee, 0 King, that ice iciU not serve thy gods, nor worship the golden image which thou hast set up.
This circumstance is well described by his son Samuel in the following lines: —
When zealous James, unhappy sought the way
To ‘stablisb Rome by arbitrary sway;
In vain were bribes shower’d by the guilty crown
He sought no favour, as he/ear’d no frown
of mr. wesley’s ancestors
Secure in faith, exempt from worldly views,
He dared the Declaration* to refuse:
Then from the sacred pulpit boldly shew’d
The dauntless Hebrews true to Israel’s God:
Who spake regardless of their King’s commands,
“The God we serve can save us from thy hands;
If not, 0 monarch, know we choose to die,
Thy gods alike and threatenings we defy.
No pow’r on earth our faith has e’er controll’d,
We scorn to worship idols, though of gold.”
Resistless Truth damped all the audience round,
The base Informer sicken’d at the sound;
Attentive Courtiers, conscious, stood amaz’d,
And Soldiers, silent, trembled as they gaz’d.
No smallest murmur of distaste arose,
Abash’d and vanquish ‘d seemed the Church’s foe?
So when like zeal their bosoms did inspire,
The Jewish Martyrs walk’d unhurt in fire.”
His son John has been heard to state, that at first his father was very much attached to the interests of James: “but when,” said old Mr. Samuel Wesley, “I heard him say to the Master and Fellows of Magdalen College, lifting up his lean arm, ‘If you refuse to obey me, you shall feel the weight of a King’s right hand I saw he was a tyrant; and though I was not inclined to take an active part against him, I was resolved from that time to give him no kind of support.” With this Anecdote I was favoured by the Reverend and venerable Thomas Steadman, vicar of St. Chad’s, Shrewsbury, to whose friendly and important communications these Memoirs are in various places much indebted.
Mr. Wesley fully expected that James would, if possible, introduce arbitrary government into the State: and Popery, its concomitant, into the Church. He saw, therefore, the necessity of the Revolution; was confirmed in its principles; and became strongly attached to King William, and was one of his chaplains. “He left a remarkable memorial of his admiration of King William’s character in one of his Dissertations on the Book of Job; where in remarking On the description of the war horse, (Chap, xxxix.) he introduces the deceased Monarch as he appeared at the battle of the Boyne, in Ireland, July 1, 1690; and in both eloquent and affec-
* The Declaration was a Proclamation by James II, which, under the pretence of granting liberty of conscience to all his subjects, was intended to take off all political restraints from the Papists, and admit them into the highest offices both in Church and State. It was issued April 4, 1687, and commanded to be read in all Churches and Chapels, &c. in Great Britain. tionate language points him out as the fittest hero to have managed the warlike animal just described. The compliment is the more honourable both to the bestower and the object, as dead monarchs can give no rewards, and as probably his memory was not remarkably grateful to those in power.” This curious comparison, probably as being deemed useless or irrelevant, was omitted by his son Samuel in passing that sheet through the press. I thus conjecture, because I have not been able to find it in the Work.
It is a curious fact that Mr. Wesley, wishing to have a true representation of the tear horse described by Job, hearing that Lord Oxford had one of the finest Arabs then supposed to be in the world, wrote to his Lordship for permission to have his likeness taken for the Work. That this request was granted there is little room to doubt; and we may therefore safely conclude that the horse represented, Dissert, p. 338, engraved by Cole, was taken from what was called “Lord Oxford’s Bloody Arab.” The original Letter containing the request lies before me; it is conceived with great delicacy of sentiment, and is elegantly expressed:
“To My Lord of Oxford,
“My Lord,
“Your Lordship’s accumulated favours on my eldest son of Westminster are so far from discouraging me from asking one for myself of your Lordship, that they rather excite me to do it, especially when your Lordship has been always so great a patron of learning and all useful undertakings. I hope I may have some pretence to the latter, how little soever I may have to the former: and have ‘taken some pains in my Dissertations on Job to illustrate the description of the horse,, though it is impossible to add any thing to it. For this reason I would, if it were possible, procure a draft of the finest Arab horse in the world: and having had an account from several hands that your Lordship’s Bloody Arab answers the character, I have an ambition to get him drawn by the best artist we can find, and place him as the greatest ornament of my Work. If your Lordship has a picture of him I would beg that my engraver may take a draft from it, or if not, that my son may have the liberty to get one drawn from the life; either of which will make him if possible, as well as myself, yet more
“Your Lordship’s most devoted humble servant,
Samuel Wesley, Sen.”
Lord Oxford was the intimate friend of Samuel Wesley, jun. who was a frequent guest at his Lordship’s house, where he was treated qp mr. wesley’s ancestors.
with great distinction, as will appear in these Memoirs; and thei e is little doubt that the son became the negotiator of the father’s request. The horse in the Dissertations is evidently designed for an Arabian horse, and no doubt was taken from that of Lord Oxford: but it is neither well drawn nor well engraved; and this is the more to be regretted, as the model was so perfect in its kind.
In the end of the year 1715, and the beginning of the year 171 6, there were some strange disturbances in the parsonage-house at Epworth, of such a singular nature as entitles them to a distinct mention. The accounts given of these are so circumstantial and authentic as to entitle them to the most implicit credit. The eye and ear witnesses were persons of strong understandings, and well cultivated minds, untinctured by superstition, and in some instances rather sceptically inclined. Hearing of these things, Mr Samuel Wesley, jun. then at Westminster School, wrote to his father, mother, and sisters, for the particulars; and proposed such questions to them upon the subject as led them to use the utmost care, scrupulosity, and watchfulness, to prevent them from being imposed on by trick or fraud. Of the proceedings in this strange disturbance, Mr. Wesley, sen. kept a Diary or Journal; and Mr. John Wesley had also a detailed account of the whole from the family. Nothing apparently preternatural can lie further beyond the verge of imposture than these accounts; and the circumstantial statements contained in them force conviction of their truth, even on the minds of the incredulous. That they were preternatural, the whole state of the case and supporting evidence, seem to demonstrate.
The Documents to which I refer, and which are inserted in their proper place, fell some hotv or other, into the hands of the late Drp Joseph Priestly, who thought proper to publish them in a pamphlet by themselves. He stated that he had received them from the late Mr. Badcock, to whom they had been communicated by Mrs. Earlet grand-daughter of Mr. Samuel Wesley, Mr. John Wesley’s eldest brother. Mr. Badcock, in a letter to Mr. J. Wesley from South Molton, Devon, dated April 22, 1780, mentions these MSS., and his hope that he shall be able to procure and send them to Mr. W. Nothing farther concerning these papers was heard till Dr. Priestly laid them before the public. How he obtained these MSS. which Mr. Badcock had proposed, should he possess them, to deliver to Mr. John Wesley, is a question which cannot at present be answered, as all the parties are long since dead. This however does not affect the authenticity of these Documents, which are admitted on all hafidto be indisputably genuine.