On the Conduct of Professors in Reference to Politics

In attempting to settle the difficult question of the extent to which a Christian may carry his active concern, in the affairs of civil government, or what are technically called politics, two things must be borne in mind: First, that civil government and Christianity, though altogether distinct in their nature and design, are not opposed to each other. The latter acquaints us with our religious duties, or in other words, how we may serve God here, and obtain eternal salvation beyond the grave; while civil government though sanctioned and enforced as to its general principle by the New Testament, is altogether, as to its specific arrangements, a provision of human skill, to secure tranquillity and freedom, during our continuance in the present life. “Between institutions,” says Mr. Hall, “so different in their nature and object, it is plain no real opposition can subsist; and if they are ever represented in this light, or held to be inconsistent with each other, it must proceed from an ignorance of their respective genius and functions.” It is manifest then, that there is nothing in politics as such, that is incompatible with the strictest profession of Christianity. Secondly: It is of importance to recollect the peculiar nature of that constitution or system of civil government under which our lot is cast, and which is of a compound nature, including a very large admixture and influence of popular interference. The people, as well as the

Monarch and the Peers, are the depositaries of poHtical power, and have a share in the government of the country. They, by their representatives in the Commons, assist in making the laws by which the realm is ruled. They have, therefore, a legal right to interfere, and a right, which is in fact in the view of the constitution, indefeasible. Their interference, when constitutionally exerted, is no stepping out of their place, no usurpation, no invasion of the rights and prerogatives of the rulers. Things were different when the epistles of Paul and Peter were written. There was but the shadow of popular influence left in the Roman government; the power had passed away from the people, and they had little or no opportunity of intermeddling with the affairs of government, except in the way of insurrection and riot, which, of course. Christianity forbade, and enjoined upon those of them who had received the gospel, a submission to the powers that were. Its injunctions on this subject, are strict and explicit, as may be seen by consulting Rom. xiii, and 1 Peter, ii. But surely those passages can never be justly stretched, in a free country, and under a government admitting of popular interference, to forbid the exercise of those rights with which the subject is invested by the constitution. Even allowing that passive obedience, and unresisting submission were the duty of the inhabitants of a country that is under a despotic government, it cannot be proved that those who are in legal possession of popular rights, should renounce them, and give up all active concern in civil affairs. However difficult it may be to ascertain in what way and to what extent it would be lawful for the Christian inhabitants of Austria or Russia, to exert themselves to obtain a free government, and thus make politics a matter of practical solicitude, there can be no such difficulty as to the lawful interference, lawful both in the view of Christianity and the constitution, of the Christian inhabitants of Great Britain, for it belongs to them of right.

But perhaps it will be said, the question is not about the right of an Englishman’s interference, for this is allowed by all; but the expediency of a Christian’s troubling himself about these matters. It appears to me, that to a certain extent, popular rights are popular duties. Every enfranchised person is, by his representative, not only the subject of law, but the maker of law; and it is not only his privilege, but his duty, to seek, constitutionally, the repeal of bad laws, the improvement of defective ones, and the making of good ones. As we are governed by laws, and not merely by men, it is of immense consequence what laws are enacted; and the country, that is, all present and future generations, have a claim upon every Englishman, for his influence in seeking that our legislative code might be as conducive as can be to the welfare of the nation. Is it nothing to a Christian — ought it to be nothing, what kind of laws are made? Legislation takes cognizance of every interest he has in the world, and unless he is to give up all that concerns his individual and social rights, his domestic comforts, and his trade, he ought to pay some attention to the affairs of civil government. He does not cease to be a citizen, when he becomes a Christian; nor does he go out of the world, when he enters the church. Religion, when it comes to his heart in power and authority, finds him a member of society, enjoying many civil privileges and performing many duties, and for which he is not now disqualified, nor from which is he released by the new and more sacred obligation that he has undertaken to discharge. If we could conceive that civil affairs generally, are too earthly for the spiritual nature that he has now assumed to attend to, there is at least one view of them of transcendent importance to him, even as a Christian; I mean their connexion with the great subject of civil and religious freedom. Now, even allowing that civil liberty is a subject too earthly and too exciting, leading too often to the arena, and disfigurfng our piety too much with the dust of political controversy; a subject which brings us too much into parties far removed from the influence of religion; what shall we say of religious freedom, a blessing so important to the comfortable discharge of the duties of our holy calling, and also to the leisure and opportunity necessary for promulgating religion? This is a blessing worth infinitely more to us than all our insular or continental colonies in the East or Western Indies, in Africa or in America. This precious deposit, bought by the martyr’s blood, and worth even the price that millions have thus paid for it, is in our keeping under God, and ought we not to watch it well 1 We are trustees of this benefit for all future generations. But can we keep it in the absence of civil liberty? Is it to be abandoned, then, by those very men who most need the blessing, and are most dependant upon it, for their enjoyment, and safety 1

While, therefore, a professor is under solemn obligations to be a loyal subject, or to submit to the King, and honour him as the executive branch of the constitution; he is also bound to be a patriotic member of the social body, by giving his practical support to the legislative branch. He is to be obedient to the laws that are made, but he is also to give his assistance in making them. It is his duty to give his conscientious vote for the election of his representative in his own branch of the legislature; he may join his fellow subjects to petition for the redress of civil, or ecclesiastical grievances; and to the extent of his influence, mildly and properly eX’ erted, without injuring his own piety and charity, or unnecessarily wounding the feelings and exciting the passions of others, he may endeavour to direct public opinion in favour of what is just and beneficial. The calm, dispassionate, charitable, and conscientious exercise of your political rights, without sectarian bitterness, and party animosity, in such measure as does not interfere with your own personal religion, and in such manner as does not wantonly injure the feelings of those who are opposed to you; which does not take you too much from your closet, your family, and your shop; if indeed you can thus exercise your rights, is quite lawful for you as professors. These rules and restrictions, however, must be imposed; for, without them the subject will be sure to do you harm. A Christian must carry his religion into every thing and sanctify every thing he does by it. “Whatsoever he does, he must do all to the glory of God.” Every thing must be done religiously, done in such a manner that no one shall say justly, “this is contrary to his profession.” His politics must form no exception to this. Even in these he must be guided by conscience, and his conscience by the word of God. He must look well to his motives, and be able to appeal to the Searcher of hearts for their purity. If his attention to these matters, be such as to flatten his own devotional spirit, take him off from his religious duties, or diminish seriously the power of godliness and the vigour of faith; if it fill his imagination, make him restless, uneasy and anxious, disturbing the calmness of his religious peace and comfort; if it interfere more with his business than is good for his worldly prosperity, or with his family more than is consistent with his obligations to instruct and benefit them; if it injure his charity, and fill his bosom with ill-will and hatred to those who differ from him; if it lead him into political associations, and place him upon committees; if it make him looked up to as a leader and champion of a party; if it cause his pious friends to shake their heads and say, “I wish he were not quite so political;” we may be very sure, and he may be sure too, that although it is not easy to fix with precision the boundary that separates right from wrong on this subject, he has passed the line, and is on dangerous and unlawful ground.

It is our duty and interest at all times to observe the signs

IN REFERENCE TO POLITICS. ly

of the times, and the characteristics of the age, in order to learn the particular errors to which, in consequence of these things, we are more peculiarly exposed. Now it cannot be doubted, that the dangers of professors in the present age, is not to be too little, but too much interested in politics. Party spirit scarcely ever ran so high, and the contention of opposing factions was scarcely ever more fiprce, except in times of internal commotion, than it is now. At such a period, Christians of all denominations in religion, and all parties in politics, are in danger of being too much absorbed by the engrossing questions, which are the subjects of national agitation. At such a time, and amidst such circumstances, we are all in danger of being drawn into the whirlpool, or swept away by the torrent of party questions, and having our passions far too much engaged in the collision of opposing factions. These subjects, next to trade, are likely to become the great business of life, the theme of all circles, and all places. Not a few persons have been so far engrossed by them as to neglect their business, and to be ruined for life, and still more have lost their religion in their poHtical fervour, and in the misery of a backsliding or apostate state have cursed the hour in which they neglected the concerns of eternity, for the struggles of the times.

Their thoughts and affections were so filled with these things, that they could neither talk nor think of any thing else; they became members of political clubs; plunged into the conflict of a contested election; became members of the committee of one of the competitors; went all lengths in the means usually resorted to on such occasions for securing the return of their favourite candidate; were f und at every political dinner or meeting, and ?.mong the most forward and most zealous — in short, politics were the element in which they lived, moved, and had their being. Who can wonder at the result? Who is astonished at being informed that sucU men have found their way into the gazette, and that their creditors had to pay for the time they devoted to this profitless subject. What religion can live in such a state of mind as this? The newspaper supplants the Bible; the speeches and writings of politicians have far more interest for such persons than the sermons of the preacher; and the attractions of the public meeting far overpower those of the devotional service; spiritual conversation is neither relished nor encouraged, and nothing permitted, or at least, welcomed, but the all-engrossing subject; even the Sabbath day is not exempted from the desecration of such topics; if they do not read the newspapers themselves, they inquire of those who do, or talk with those who are as deeply engrossed as themselves by the topic. Nothing of piety remains but the name, and even that has been in some cases abandoned. Such are the rocks among which many of all parties, Whigs and To” ries. Churchmen and Dissenters, for I apply the remarks to all, have split.

And if it be unmeet even for a Christian to be thus deeply Immersed in party politics, how much more so for a minister of religion: and it is impossible to deny that too many of all denominations have been drawn from their sacred occupations, far more than was becoming, by this ensnaring topic. I am quite aware that there are seasons, when the nation seems to be in the very crisis of its destiny, and when, therefore, even the servant of the Lord, may feel that his country appeals to his patriotism, and asks him for his help, and when he may scarcely think he is at liberty to remain quiescent and inactive: but such seasons rarely occur in reality, though they do more frequently in men’s own imaginations. It is indeed but seldom that the pulpit and the hustings are compatible with each other, and that the minister of reconciliation adds any thing to his dignity or usefulness, by the dust which he gathers up from the arena of political strife. The harangue of the public meeting gives but little emphasis to the sermon, or but ill prepares those who heard it to listen to much more solemn themes from the same lips in the sanctuary. The minister of the gospel should excite no needless prejudices in any mind, which he is sure to do by becoming a violent political partisan. Most men of all parties have good sense enough to see, that the clergy are far more in their place by the bed of the dying, in the scenes of ignorance, wretchedness, and vice, for the purpose of dispensing knowledge, holiness, and bliss, than in the crowd and clamour, the passions and revilings of a political meeting. The time that is consumed and thus taken away from the souls committed to their care, is, perhaps, the least evil resulting from such pursuits; the more serious mischief is the influence of their example upon others, and the diminution of public respect both for the office and the object of the ministerial character.

It cannot be inferred or imagined, I hope, from any thing I have said, that I wish to detach the great body of Christians from all attention to the affairs of the nation, or co-operation with those who are endeavouring to give them a right direction. My object, in these remarks, is not to neutralize patriotic feeling into absolute indifference, nor to paralyze healthful and well-directed efforts for the country’s good; but simply to prevent the former from becoming malignant, or excessive, and the latter from degenerating into the violent action of political partisanship. The conquest of the world which faith is called upon to achieve, is not to tear up patriotism, that fine flower of humanity, by the roots, but to prevent its attaining such a wild luxuriance as would draw away all the vigour of the soil from other and still more important plants, or would wither them by the chilling influence of its too ample shadow. “To stand by as idle spectators of the great interests of the nation, would betray a guilty negligence on our parts, at any time, but especially at the present season. If men are ever justified in turning aside from more plodding pursuits, to read the page of events, and to contemplate the broad face of empire, they are especially called to do so at those critical periods, when the mists are withdrawing, and its features are assuming a natural shape.” * I do not ask, I do not wish, Christians to give up the world into the hands of the wicked, but only to let their interference be that of religious men, a calm, serene, patriotism; the more effectual, because of its moderation and firmness, its conscientiousness and sanctity. Every man’s opinion should be made up, firmly held, publicly known, and consistently acted upon, without concealment or trimming. Neutrality is no man’s glory, when great interests are in jeopardy, and great questions concerning them, are in discussion. Christianity, the dearest interest to the heart of every child of God, is, in one sense, independent of all the questions of party politics, and yet, in another, is, in some measure, as to its progress at least, affected by them: and therefore demands such attention from its subjects to the affairs of nations, and only such, as is compatible with supreme regard to its own pure laws, benign spirit, and heavenly object. As politics, therefore, are not sinful in themselves, but only in that excess of attention to them which takes a man’s time too much from his business, embitters his heart towards his neighbour who differs from him in sentiment, or diminishes his religious feeling, every one must be careful to observe that moderation which Christianity prescribes in this as well as in all other matters that ap-

* Eclectic Review, April, 1837. See a masterly article on “The Progress of Reform.” It will be a deep disgrace to the Dissenting Body if this periodical should be allowed to sink. It is our own and only Review, which combines literature and religion, and ought to be supported, and well supported too.

peal to our appetites and our passions. That is evil to us, which, either in kind or degree, is evil to our religion.

Professors then should be aware of their danger, and watch and pray lest they enter into temptation. Let them never forget that they belong to a kingdom which is not of this world; that their citizenship is in heaven, and that therefore they should live as strangers upon the earth. As pilgrims, abiding for a short season in a strange city, they should be willing to promote its welfare during their temporary sojourn, but still with their eye, and hope, and heart, upon the land of their inheritance. A deep sense of the infinite importance of eternal salvation and invisible realities; a due impression of the shortness of time and the uncertainty of life; together with an intelligent consideration of the great end of God in sending us into this world, would repress all undue political fervour, and teach us how to act the part of a patriot, without neglecting that of a Christian; and make us feel that we were not only inhabitants of a country, or citizens of the world, but subjects of the universe, and that every inferior interest should be pursued with a proper regard to true religion. This we ought ever to be intent upon as our daily work, as that alone which can prepare us for heaven; so that if we were asked at any time, what we were aiming at, or what we were doing, we might be able to give this true answer, “We are dressing ourselves for eternity.” No pretext, however specious, whether relating to our family or our country, can be a legitimate excuse for neglecting this preparatory process for immortality. Nothing can be conceived of more opposite to the temper of heaven, the disposition of the blessed above, which is unmingled holy love, than the political spirit, which when seen as it is now too often seen, in its most virulent form, is the gall of bitterness and the essence of malignity. If charity be the crowning excellence of piety, how contrary to this divine virtue is the present spirit of parties, which, like a burning volcano, is perpetually pouring from its crater the fiery eruptions of envy, malice, and all uncharitableness. Better, far better,” professing Christians, never to see a newspaper, nor know a single fact, nor utter a syllable of politics, than enter into the subject if it must produce in you such a temper as this. But it need not produce it. There may be moderation in this as well as in any thing else. A man may be a religious patriot without degenerating into a malignant partisan. I cannot do better than close this chapter with another quotation from the works of that sublime and gentle spirit, the illustrious John Howe, whose invaluable memoir, as published by Mr. Rogers, is a “Tract for the Times,” indeed. * *” And with a proportionate unconcernedness should they look on, and behold the various alternations of political affairs, no further minding either the constitution or administration of government than as the interest of the universal Ruler, the weal and safety of their prince or country are concerned in them. But now many under the specious pretence of a public spirit, make it their whole business to inspect and pry into these affairs, even with a most meanly private and interested one; watching over the public beyond the bounds of their own calling; and with no other design, than to catch at an opportunity of serving their own turns! How many that stand perpetually at a gaze in a suspenseful expectation how things will go; either joying or hoping to behold any favourable prognostics to the party whereto they have thought fit to addict themselves; glad or desirous to see it engross power, and grasp the sum of things, not from any sense of duties towards God’s vicegerents, not from love of justice or study of public advantage, but that the happier lot may befall or remain to themselves.

These men are absorbed and swallowed up of the spirit of this world, contempered only to this sublunary region, concorporate with the earth, so as to partake in all its pangs and paroxysms, and tremulous motions.

By the beating of their pulse you may know the state of things in this lower world, as if they were of the same piece, and had but one soul with it. Let them see times, and a state of things on earth suitable to their genius, and you put a new life and soul into them. Reduce them to despair here, and (so little communion have they with the affairs of that other country,) the most specious inviting representation that can be made to them of the world to come, hinders not, but their hearts languish and die, and become as stones within them.

But that lofty soul that bears about with it the living apprehensions of its being made for an everlasting state, so earnestly intends it, that it shall ever be a descent and vouchsafement with it, if it allow itself to take notice what busy mortals are doing in their (as they reckon them) grand negotiations here below. And if there be a suspicion of an aptness or inclination to intermeddle in them to their prejudice, to whom that part belongs, can heartily say to it (as the philosopher to the jealous tyrant,) ’ we of this academy are not at leisure to mind so mean things; we have somewhat else to do than to talk of you.’ He hath still the image before his eyes, of this world vanishing and passing away; of the other, with the everlasting affairs and concernments of it, even now ready to take place and fill up all the stage, and can represent to himself the vision (not from a melancholic or crazed brain, but a rational faith and a sober, well-instructed mind,) of the world dissolving, monarchies and kingdoms breaking up, thrones trembling, crowns and sceptres lying as neglected things. He hath a telescope through which he can behold the glorious appearance of the supreme Judge; the solemn state of his majestic person; the splendid pomp of his magnificent and costly numerous retinue; the obsequious throng of glorious celestial creatures, doing homage to their eternal king; the swift flight of his royal guards, sent forth into the four winds to gather the elect, and covering the face of the heavens with then* spreading wings; the universal silent attention of all, to that loud sounding trunnpet that shakes the pillars of the world, pierces the inward corners of the earth, and resounds from every part of the encircling heavens; the many millions of joyful expectants arising, changing, putting on glory, taking wing, and contending upwards, to join themselves to the triumphant heavenly host; the judgment seat, the books opened, the frightful amazed looks of surprised wretches; the equal administration of the final judgment: the adjudication of all to their eternal states; the heavens rolled up as a scroll; the earth and all things therein consumed and burnt up!

“And now, what spirit is there any more in him towards the trivial affairs of a vanishing world? how indifferent a thing is it with him who bears himself highest in a state of things whereof he foresees the certain hastening end. Though he will not neglect the duty of his own place, is heartily concerned to have the knowledge and fear of God more generally obtained in this apostate world, and is ready to contribute his utmost regular endeavours for the preservation of common peace and order in subserviency hereto: yet abstractedly from these considerations, and such as have been before mentioned, he is no more concerned who is uppermost, than one would be passing by a swarm of flies, which hath the largest wings, or which excels the rest in sprightliness or briskness of motion. And for himself he can insert this amongst his most serious thanksgivings, that while the care is incumbent on others, of watching over the public peace and safety, he may sit still and converse with God and his own sedate thoughts. How secure is he in this, that infinite wisdom governs the world! that all things shall be disposed the best way, to the best and most valuable ends: that an afflicted state shall never befall unto good men, but when it is fittest and most conducible it should do so: that the prosperity carnal appetite covets, is never denied them but when it would be pernicious! How calm is he in the midst of external troubles: how placid and serene a spirit inhabits his peaceful breast! When all things are shaken round about him, he is not shaken. He bears all sorts of troubles: but creates none to others, nor is disturbed by any himself. But they that delight to see this world rolling or fixed, as may most serve their private purposes, and have a perpetual quarrel with it, while it looks not kindly upon them: their life is bound up in it, and their pretences to another, are but the languid faint notions of what they never heartily believe nor desire. Upon the whole matter, nothing is more agreeable to this great reputation, than a steady restraint and moderation of our passions towards things without us; that is, all the several sorts of external objects and affairs, that so variously invite and tempt our observation and regard in this our present state.”