At the Place of Execution
S. Mark xv. 23–32
It was probably as soon as they arrived at the place of crucifixion that the stupefying draught 1 was offered to our Lord. The compassionate women of Jerusalem were wont to provide it at their expense, and bribe the executioners to administer it before the painful process of nailing the prisoner to the cross began. Jesus was parched with thirst, and would gladly have drunk it, as He took the proffered vinegar afterwards; but when He recognised what it was, He refused to drink. He determined to look death in the face with all its possible horrors, and submit to the full penalty of the first transgression; and no anodyne or soporific potion might cloud His faculties at such a time, or dull in the smallest degree the sharpness of the pain. It is probable, though not certain, that our Lord was nailed to the Cross while it lay upon the ground, and that it was then raised into its position, as is represented in the great picture of Rubens in Antwerp Cathedral.
The shape of the Cross on which He suffered has been much debated. Some ancient Fathers, fancying they found a typical reference in the crossing of the hands over the head of the scape -goat, and in the peculiar mode in which Jacob blessed his grandsons, often assumed that it was in the form of what is commonly called a S. Andrew’s Cross; others again, seeing in the mystical mark or Tau set upon the foreheads of the righteous in Ezekiel’s vision a foreshadowing of the Cross, concluded that it was like that which bears the name of S. Anthony, in form like a capital T.
It is far more probable that it was what is known familiarly as the Latin Cross. It was prefigured by the transverse spits which the priest placed in the Paschal lamb. Its four arms, pointing to the four quarters of the globe, symbolised “the breadth and length and depth and height” of Christ’s universal Church. It is a strong argument in favour of this form that “the inscription” was set above the head of the Crucified, which would be impossible in either of the other forms.
After condemnation the grounds upon which a criminal had been found guilty were briefly inscribed upon a tablet. This was either hung round his neck or carried before him to the place of execution.
This, in our Lord’s case, was written by Pilate himself. In his desire to take his revenge for the humiliation to which the Jews had subjected him by compelling him to act in open violation of his expressed convictions, he bore an unconscious testimony to the truth — “This is the King of the Jews.” And not only so, but he took steps to make it known in every quarter, when he wrote the inscription in “Hebrew and Latin l and Greek.” In Hebrew, that it might be read in the vernacular of the common people; in Latin because it was the official language of the Government; in Greek, to render it intelligible to the foreigners, amongst whom that tongue was widely spoken. These were the three great languages of the world; they “gathered up,” it has been beautifully said, “the results of the religious, the social, the intellectual preparation for Christ, and in each witness was given to His office.”
No sooner was the Cross secured in its place than the executioners began to appropriate the clothes of the Crucified. They were their customary perquisite. The act deserves our attention, because it is one of those details which had been predicted ages before with such remarkable exactness: “They parted My garments among them, and upon My vesture did they cast lots.” It is commonly supposed that the outer garments were cut up or torn into four parts, for there was a quaternion of soldiers, and the language of S. John appears to favour this view: “Then the soldiers, when they had crucified Jesus, took His garments, and made four parts, to every soldier a part; and also His coat (or tunic): now the coat was without seam, woven from the top throughout. They said therefore among themselves, Let us not rend it, but cast lots for it, whose it shall be: that the Scripture might be fulfilled.”
If, however, our Lord was clothed as an ordinary Jewish Rabbi, He would wear a tunic, a cloak, a head-dress, a girdle, and sandals or shoes. The last four would be distributed, one to each executioner. What direct motives prompted them to set aside the tunic to be drawn for by lot, rather than any other part, we cannot tell; but on the authority of S. John we are compelled to believe that it was so overruled for the fulfilment of prophecy.
The time of the crucifixion is fixed by S. Mark at the “third hour,” while S. John says that it was “about the sixth hour” when Pilate yielded to the clamour of the Jews, and “delivered Him unto them to be crucified.”
In all probability S. John followed the modern Western mode of reckoning the hours from midnight, for traces of this are found in Asia Minor, where he was living when he wrote. Making a legitimate allowance for the qualifying expression, “about” the sixth hour, there is little difficulty in reconciling the statement with “the third hour” of S. Mark, i.e. nine o’clock 2 by the Hebrew reckoning; especially as a considerable time would necessarily elapse between the “delivering up” and the actual crucifixion.
To increase the ignominy of our Lord’s death it had been prophesied that He should be “numbered with the transgressors.” The spirit of revenge which moved Pilate so strongly against the Jews led him unwittingly to further the eternal counsels of God. He had been forced to release Barabbas at their will, but there were others in prison for the same offence, “that had made insurrection with him.” He will show what respect he has for the choice of the people, by crucifying the comrades 4 of their favourite side by side with Him Whom they hate.
In the Apocryphal “Acts of Pilate,”5 which carries us back to the earliest times, their names are preserved as Dysmas and Gestas.
S. Mark, following the first Gospel, records how they both joined in the general reproach of our Lord on the Cross. The passers-by jeered Him derisively for His boasted powers, and bade Him take that opportunity to prove their existence. The chief priests, afraid perhaps that the inscription might deceive the people, let them see what they thought of it by their taunting jibes, and asked Him in irony to give some evidence of His Royalty, that they might “see and believe.” The heathen soldiers too took part in the mockery and insult; but the wicked blasphemy reached its climax when those who were “in the same condemnation” reviled Him for His impotence to save.
Through all this Babel of invective the Redeemer was silent; not a single rejoinder escaped from His lips. The silence was only broken to speak pardon to a penitent soul: it was when an exhibition of unparalleled meekness touched the heart of one of the poor criminals hanging at His side. Realising, as by a sudden illumination, the awful gulf that lay between innocence and guilt, and reaching out with a faith that baffles comprehension, he begged the Crucified to remember him when He should come in His kingdom; and at once His lips were unsealed — to grant even more than he asked, “To-day shalt thou be with Me in Paradise.”
Note: Lightfoot quotes from the Talmud to prove that it was in fulfilment of the Scripture, “Give strong drink unto him that is ready to perish,” — Prov. xxxi. 6. The reading of S. Matt, xxvii. 34 — “vinegar mingled with gall,” according to the best MSS. is otvov for o£ov, and the right interpretation of the word rendered “gall” is found to be in harmony with S. Mark’s account; cf. Speaker’s Com. on S. Matt, xxvii. 34.
Note: This is the order in S. John xix. 20, according to the best MSS. The parallel passage in S. Luke xxiii. 38, “in letters of Greek and Latin and Hebrew,” is of doubtful authority. It may be that different Evangelists have reproduced the differences of languages. The laconic “the King of the Jews,” suggests at once “Rex Judceorum,” and would be naturally chosen for Roman readers.
Note: It appears as though “let us not rend it” pointed to the other garments having been rent; but had this been so, “it” would probably have been emphasised. One piece was over after the distribution, and the only alternative was to divide or cast lots for it. For reference to Jewish dress, cf. Edersheim, i. 621-6. The common tunic was made in two pieces. Our Lord wore one made like that of the High Priest; cf. Joseph. Antiq. iii. 7, 4.
Note: Cf. Westcott in loco for a full examination.
Note: If it be maintained that S. John and S. Mark both followed the Hebrew mode of reckoning, then possibly the explanation may be found in regarding the “third hour” merely as a division of the day, corresponding to a “night watch,” and embracing the whole time from three to six. S. Jerome suggested that the numerals representing three and six had been confused.
Note: The verse is absent from the best MSS. It was probably a marginal note calling attention to the fulfilment, which our Lord had anticipated in S. Luke xxii. 37.
Note: “The two thieves are designated by the same word as Barabbas, not thieves, Kke-wraL, merely, but robbers, Xr/arai, which points to the identity of crime; and, taken in conjunction with S. Mark xv. 7, is almost conclusive as to the connection.
Note: For a full account, cf. Westcott on S. John xix. add. note.